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Beslan school hostage crisis

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The Beslan school hostage crisis (also referred to as the Beslan school siege or Beslan Massacre) began when armed Muslim terrorists took more than 1200 school children and adults hostage on September 1 2004, at School Number One (SNO) in the Russian town of Beslan in North Ossetia.

On the third day of the standoff, shooting broke out between the hostage-takers and Russian security forces. According to official data, 344 civilians were killed, 186 of them children[link], and hundreds more wounded.

Chechen warlord Shamil Basayev took responsibility for the hostage taking, reportedly led by his principal Ingush deputy Magomet Yevloyev.

Contents

Background

The Republic of North Ossetia in Russia
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The Republic of North Ossetia in Russia

A Russian tradition, "First September" , also known as "Day of Knowledge", sees children accompanied by parents and other relatives, attend ceremonies hosted by their school. Commonly, the first-year students give a flower to those entering their final year, and are then taken to class by the older children.

SNO was one of seven schools in Beslan, and used to host some 900 pupils in the ages between 6-18. Though on this day the numbers were swelled by family members attending the festivities to do with the Day of Knowledge.



Course of the crisis

Day 1

At 09:30 local time on September 1, a group of approximately 32 attackers arrived at SNO in a GAZel van and a GAZ-66, wearing black ski masks and carrying explosive belts.

After an exchange of gunfire with police, in which five officers and one attacker were killed, the attackers seized the school building taking more than 1,300 hostages. The Russian government initially downplayed the numbers, stating there were only 354 hostages, which reportedly angered the attackers. At first some mistook the attackers for Russians when they tried to lure the children playing in the school playground inside the school with kind words and chocolate bars. [link] However they soon turned to sterner methods and started to shoot in the air and forced everybody in. During the initial chaos about fifty people managed to flee to safety and alert authorities.

The attackers herded the hostages into the school gymnasium, and stripped the hostages of all valuables and any means of outside communication. One of the female terrorists threatened the hostages that if she found a single phone on anyone, that person and three more people near him or her would be killed. [link] Immediately after having gathered all the hostages in the gym, the attackers set about killing around twenty of the adult male hostages, reportedly the strongest in the group. [link] The attackers forced other hostages to throw their bodies out of the building and set some children to wash the blood off the floor.

Overhead map of school showing initial positions of Russian forces
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Overhead map of school showing initial positions of Russian forces

A security cordon was soon established around the school, consisting of Militsiya and Russian Army forces, OSNAZ including the Alpha Group of the FSB, and members of the OMON unit of the MVD.

The attackers mined the gymnasium and the rest of the building with improvised explosive devices, and surrounded it with tripwires. In a further bid to deter rescue attempts, they threatened to kill fifty hostages for every one of their own members killed by the police, and to kill twenty hostages for every gunman injured. They also threatened to blow up the school should government forces attack.

The Russian government initially said that it would not use force to rescue the hostages, and negotiations towards a peaceful resolution did take place on the first and second days, led by Leonid Roshal, a pediatrician whom the hostage-takers had reportedly asked for by name. Roshal had helped negotiate the release of children in the 2002 Moscow Theatre Siege.

That night, the hostagetakers began exploring the area surrounding the school, preparing for an exit strategy once their demands had been met.[link]

At Russia's request, a special meeting of the United Nations Security Council was convened on the evening of September 1, at which the council members demanded "the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages of the terrorist attack". U.S. President George W. Bush made a statement offering its "support in any form" to Russia.

Day 2

On September 2, 2004, negotiations between Roshal and the hostage-takers proved unsuccessful, and they refused to allow food, water and medicines to be taken in for the hostages or for the bodies of the dead to be removed from the school. [link]

On day two, many of the young children started to succumb to the effects of neglect after having being denied any form of food and water and often forced to stand up for long periods in the tightly packed and hot gym. Many fainted, the parents started to fear they would start to die. Occasionally the terrorists took out some of the unconscious children, and poured water on their heads before returning them to the gym. Some resorted to drinking their own urine and eating plants and the bouquets they had brought on their first school day. One boy said he found a bottle of vodka in one of the bomber's bags, which he shared with other children because they had nothing else to drink. Another boy was run through with a bayonet, after he asked one of the terrorists for some water. Later in the day, women and men also stared to faint from fatigue and thirst. When the bombs started to go off, many of the surviving children were so fatigued they were barely able to flee away from carnage. [link] [link] [link]

Many children took off their clothing because of the sweltering heat within the gymnasium — which led to rumors of sexual impropriety, though the hostages later explained it was merely due to the stifling heat and being denied any water. However sexual impropriety allegedly did take place in the form of rape of several of the young children and adolescent girls, whose cries and screams according to some survivors could be heard echo through the school. [link]

In the afternoon, the gunmen agreed to release 26 nursing women and their infants following their negotiations with former Ingush President Ruslan Aushev, to whom they handed off a nursing infant whose mother refused to leave the school because of her other children [link]. About a dozen of those mothers released were allowed by the terrorists to take only one child and forced to leave behind other children (a number of which were killed). [link] [link] [link]

At around 15:30, two RPGs were fired by the hostage-takers at security forces outside the school, approximately ten minutes apart. [link]

As the day and night wore on, the combination of stress and sleep deprivation (and possible as a consequence of drug withdrawal symptoms [link]) made the terrorists increasingly hysterical and unpredictable. The crying of the children irritated them, and on several occasions children and their mothers were threatened that if they didn't stop crying they'd be shot.[link]

Day 3

Rough plan of school showing removal vehicle and damaged gym
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Rough plan of school showing removal vehicle and damaged gym

Around 13:04 on September 3, 2004, the hostage-takers agreed to allow medical workers to remove bodies from the school grounds. When the medical workers began to approach the school the hostage-takers opened fire, and two large explosions were heard.

Two of the medical workers died, while the rest retreated. Part of the gymnasium also collapsed, allowing a group of about thirty hostages to escape, though a large number were killed by the resulting crossfire from the hostage-takers and army.

A man dragging a child out of the chaos
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A man dragging a child out of the chaos

These two accounts may be reconcilable. Ruslan Aushev, a key negotiator during the siege, told the Novaya Gazeta that an initial explosion was set off by a hostage-taker accidentally tripping over a wire; as a result, armed civilians, some of them apparently fathers of the hostages, started shooting. Reportedly, no security forces or hostage-takers were shooting at this point, but the gunfire led the hostage-takers to believe that the school was being stormed; in response, they set off their bombs.

The third version has it that a couple of female terrorist bombers blew themselves up as soon as they heard gunfire. This version is contradicted by the following sources.

The fourth version is that a special forces sniper shot the hostage-taker whose foot was on a dead-man detonator. Some, especially government sources, say that it was an unauthorized action that the sniper took upon himself, though others suggest that the shot was authorized in order to resolve the hostage crisis.

In addition to the special forces, army and Interior Ministry troops engaged, there were Mi-24 Hind and Mi-8 Hip gunships, and at least one tank (most probably two T-72s and one either T-80 or T-90) as well as several BTR armoured personnel carriers.

Many local civilians also joined in the battle, having brought along their own weapons. Afterwards, the Russian government defended the use of tanks and other heavy weaponry, arguing that it was used after surviving hostages escaped from the school. However, this contradicts the eyewitness accounts, as many hostages were seriously wounded and could not possibly escape by themselves.[[Citing sources citation needed]]

The attack was followed by more large explosions of further detonating terrorist bombs, totally destroying the gym and setting much of the building on fire.[[Citing sources citation needed]]

When the terrorists realised they were being stormed, they started to deliberately shoot at the fleeing hostages, making no distinction between men and women or adults and children. Many of the hostages were here shot in the back. Later one 18-month-old baby was found to have been repeatedly stabbed. [link]

The Aftermath

By 15:00, two hours after the assault began, Russian troops claimed control of most of the school. However, fighting was still continuing in the grounds as evening fell, and three gunmen were located in the basement along with a number of hostages. They were eventually killed, along with the hostages they were holding.

During the battle a group of 13 hostage-takers, including two women, broke through the military cordon and took refuge nearby. The women reportedly tried to pass themselves off as medical personnel.

Several hostage-takers were believed to have entered a 2-story additional building. The building was destroyed by tanks and flamethrowers around 21:00, according to the Ossetian committee's report.[link]

Deputy Prosecutor General Alexander Fridinsky said that 31 of 32 attackers had been confirmed dead and one had been seized.

One suspected hostage-taker was beaten to death by the fathers of hostages when he was injured and driven to the hospital (see the article in Izvestia below). Another suspected terrorist was lynched on the scene, an event filmed by the Sky News crew.

At least one surviving female hostage committed suicide after returning home.[link] Many other survivors remained in severe shock. Some injured survivors died in hospitals.

The Russian government has been heavily criticized by many of the local people who, days after the end of the siege, did not know whether their children were living or dead. Some human remains were even found by a local man in the nearby garbage dump several months later, prompting further outrage.

During the operation 11 fighters of the special groups Alpha and Vympel were killed, among them the commander of Alpha - the highest casualties in a single engagement in these units' history. Wounds of varying severity were received by more than 30 fighters of the OSNAZ special forces.

Days 6 and 7

Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered a two day national mourning for September 6, 2004 and September 7, 2004. The second of these days saw 135,000 people join an anti-terror government rally on the Red Square in Moscow. Putin then cancelled planned meetings with German chancellor Gerhard Schröder in Hamburg and in the federal state of Schleswig-Holstein.

Casualties

Fatalities
Hostages 344
Emergency workers 4
Special forces 11
Total 359
-
Wounded
Hostages 700
Special forces 19
Total 719
344 of the hostages were killed during the crisis. Also, 3 emergency medical workers and 11 Russian special forces were killed. The first of the many funerals were conducted Saturday [September 4]] (day 4), the day after the final assault, with more the following Sunday, and mass burials of 120 people on Monday [link]. The local cemetery was too small and had to be expanded to an adjacent plot of land.

A rescued girl in a Beslan hospital holds her crucifix tightly
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A rescued girl in a Beslan hospital holds her crucifix tightly

The exact number of people that received ambulatory assistance immediately after the crises is not known, but is estimated at around 700. After their release, 437 people, including 221 children, were hospitalized. 197 children were taken to the Children’s Republican Clinical Hospital in the North Ossetian capital of Vladikavkaz, and 30, in critical condition, were in resuscitation units. Another 150 people were transferred to the Vladikavkaz Emergency Hospital. 62 people, amongst them 12 children, were treated in two local hospitals in Beslan. Saturday morning, six children with heavy wounds were flown to Moscow for specialist treatment. The majority of the children were treated for burns, gunshot and shrapnel wounds, and mutilation caused by mines and bombs. Some had to have amputations and eyes removed. Many children are permanently disabled by injuries sustained during their captivity. The sudden influx of a huge number of injured put a severe strain on the loacl health service. Soon there was an inadequate availability of hospital beds, medication, and neurosurgery equipment used to operate on head wounds [link]. One month after the attack, 240 people (160 of them children) were still being treated in hospitals in Vladikavkaz and in Beslan [link].

Surviving children and parents have received psychological treatment at Vladikavkaz Rehabilitation Centre [link].

Identities of those responsible

Shamil Basayev in Dagestan, 1999
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Shamil Basayev in Dagestan, 1999

On September 17, 2004, Chechen terrorist Shamil Basayev issued a statement claiming responsibility for Beslan school siege. [link][link] Newspaper reports have also linked his Ingush deputy, Magomet Yevloyev, to the school attack.

The crisis was strikingly similar to the 1995 Budyonnovsk hospital hostage crisis and the 2002 Moscow theater hostage crisis in which hundreds were held hostage by Chechen terrorists, also led by or answering to Shamil Basayev.

Initially, however, the identity of the attackers was not immediately clear. It was widely assumed that they were separatists from nearby Chechnya, but Aslambek Aslakhanov had denied it: "They were not Chechens. When I started talking with them in Chechen, they had answered: We do not understand, speak Russian".

The Russian government had stated that the attackers were an international group consisting of some Arabs.

The Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov denied that his forces were involved in the siege. He condemned the action and all attacks against civilians via a statement issued by his envoy Akhmed Zakayev, currently resident in London.

Some of the 32 hostage-takers, which included 5 women, are tentatively named:

On September 12th 2005 however, the lead prosecutor against Kulayev announced that only 22 of the 32 bodies had been identified, lending more confusion to which identities are confirmed.[link]

28-year-old Akhmed Merzhoyev and 16-year-old Marina Korigova of Sagopshi were both arrested by Russian authorities in November 2004, Merzhoyev is charged with providing food and equipment to the hostage-takers, and Korigova with having possession of a phone that Tsechoyev had phoned multiple times - Korigova was released when her defence attorney Sharip Tepsoyev showed that she was given the phone by an acquaintance after the crisis.

Five unnamed 'suspects' were killed around the same time, though their names are unknown[link]

Russia has also claimed that al-Qaeda agent Abu Omar as-Seif was responsible for financing the attack and that foreign nationals such as Iordani Khattab, Arabs Abu - Dzeid, Abu al-Walid from different middle-eastern countries were active in the region since the beginning of the First Chechen War. Critics say that presence of al-Qaeda and other militants doesn't warrant mop-up operations by government troops against population in Chechnya.

Demands

The hostage-takers in Beslan were reported to have made the following demands:

The 1 September 11
00-11
8-928-738-33-374 [according to pravdabeslana.ru; the federal committee reported 8-928-728-33-74]

We request the republic's president Dzasokhov, the president of Ingushetia Ziazikov, the children's doctor Rashailo for negotiations. If anyone of us is killed, we'll shoot 50 people. If anyone of us is wounded, we'll kill 20 people. If 5 of us are killed, we'll blow up everything. If the light, communication are cut off for a minute, we'll shoot 10 people.

The 1 September 16
00-16
The 2 September 16
45 letter sent along with Aushev
From Allah's servant Shamil Basayev to President Putin.

Vladimir Putin, it wasn't you who started this war. But you can finish it if you have enough courage and determination of de Gaulle. We offer you a sensible peace based on mutual benefit by the principle — independence in exchange for security. In case of troops withdrawal and acknowledgement of independence of Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, we are obliged not to make any political, military or economic treaties with anyone against Russia, not to accommodate foreign military bases on our territory even temporarily, not to support and not to finance groups or organizations carrying out a military struggle against RF, to be present in the united rouble zone, to enter CIS. Besides, we can sign a treaty even though a neutral state status is more acceptable to us. We can also guarantee a renunciation of armed struggle against RF by all muslims of Russia for at least 10 to 15 years under condition of freedom of faith. We are not related to the apartment bombings in Moscow and Volgodonsk, but we can take responsibility for this in an acceptable way.

The Chechen people is leading a nation-liberating struggle for its freedom and independence, for its self-protection rather than for destruction or humiliation of Russia. We offer you peace, but the choice is yours.

Allahu Akbar

Signature

30 August

Investigations

ITAR-TASS reported that a territorial law enforcement source had told them that militants disguised as repairmen had concealed weapons and explosives in the school in July 2004 after visiting three schools in Beslan, but this version was later refuted.

The convicted terrorist Nur-Pashi Kulayev, 24, born in Chechnya, was captured and identified by former hostages. The state-controlled Channel One showed fragments of his interrogation. Kulayev said the group was led by a Chechnya-born militant nicknamed "Polkovnik" (Colonel) and by Khodov, 28, who was a suspect in the May 15, 2004, Moscow-Vladikavkaz train bombing.

According to Kulayev, Polkovnik shot a militant and detonated two female suicide bombers because they objected to capturing children in the midst of the siege.

Kulayev recognized the body of a short man with a barrel-like torso, a fiery red beard and a freckled face as Polkovnik. The official investigators identified Polkovnik as Ruslan Tagirovich Khochubarov born in the village of Galashki of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Republic in 1972 [link]. However this has been denied by a message attributed to the notorious Chechen warlord Shamil Basayev, whom insists Polkovnik was a colonel of the Ichkeria forces Orstkhoyev

The authorities linked a third body to Magomet Yevloyev nicknamed Magas. Magas was an Ingush from the Chechen capital Grozny who, together with Basayev, prepared an attack on Ingushetia on June 22, 2004, in which 98 people were killed.

Kulayev recognized the body of a bald-headed man dressed in a vest and black uniform trousers as belonging to a militant nicknamed Fantomas.

At the press conference with foreign journalists Vladimir Putin rejected the prospect of an open public inquiry, but cautiously agreed with an idea of investigation (parliamentary commission) led by the Duma. He warned though that the latter might turn into a "political show".

On November 27, 2004, the Interfax news agency reported Alexander Torhsin, head of the parliamentary commission, as saying that there was evidence of involvement by a foreign intelligence agency. He declined to say which, but said "when we gather enough convincing evidence, we won't hide it".

On January 28, 2005 the parliamentary commission revealed their investigation found that Russian and Beslan government officials did not do all there best to prevent the attack.

Russian authorities claimed that the hostage-takers had "listened to German hard rock group Rammstein on personal stereos during the siege to keep themselves edgy and fired up."

On May 17, 2005, Nur-Pashi Kulayev, the sole survivor of the suspected hostage-takers, was put on trial in Vladikavkaz. He has been charged with terrorism, murder, hostage-taking and other crimes. [link]. Nur-Pashi Kulayev is represented by Umar Sikoyev.

On December 26, 2005 Russian prosecutors investigating the siege on the school claimed that authorities had made no mistakes.. Family members of the victims of the attacks have claimed the security forces of incompetence, and have demanded that authorities be held accountable.[link]

Criminal trial

First day of his trial
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First day of his trial

In May 2005, the only known terrorist to survive the Beslan massacre, Nur-Pashi Kulayev, was a defendant in Russian court in the republic of North Ossetia. He pleaded not guilty. All local lawyers refused to defend Kulayev. Albert Pliyev was appointed, reluctantly, as his lawyer. The local people at the time wanted to either lynch the defendant or sentence him to death penalty. 1,343 people act as the injured party on the trial. Kulayev has been charged with murder, terrorism, kidnapping, and other crimes and has pled guilty on seven of the counts.[link] In May 2006, he was found to have committed an act of terrorism as well as murder.[link] Ten days later on May 26th 2006, Nur-Pashi Kulayev was sentenced to life in prison. Judge Tamerlan Aguzarov said Kulayev deserved the death penalty, but was spared because of a moratorium on that sentence. No appeal was filed by either defendant or prosecutor. [link]


Domestic repercussions

The handling of the siege by Vladimir Putin's administration has become subject to acute criticism by the advocates of supremacy of human life. Despite earlier promises to peacefully resolve the crisis, Russian special forces resorted to armed force, failed to keep the battleground secure from entry by civilians or exit by the militants, and provided inconsistent reports of the situation to the media.

Putin has since acknowledged that widespread graft and corruption hampered efforts to reform the intelligence agencies and prevent terrorist attacks such as the siege at Beslan. [[Citing sources citation needed]] However in response to some international criticism, particularly from Western human rights groups, to his handling of the affair, he responded, "They think I should have negotiated to the terrorists and given in to their demands. Well then, let us invite Osama Bin Laden to the White House, listen to his demands, give him whatever he wants, and then hope against hope that he leaves us alone. That is what they tried at The Munich Conference in 1938 and you see what happened."

Two reporters known as openly critical to the government could not get to Beslan. Andrey Babitsky, a journalist with the Russian service of Radio Free Europe — Radio Liberty, was indicted of mischief after an alleged conflict with security guards in the Moscow Vnukovo Airport and sentenced to a five-day arrest (see external links). The Novaya Gazeta journalist Anna Politkovskaya fell into a coma in the airplane bound to Rostov-On-Don and had her health seriously damaged. There are concerns that both incidents were provoked by the Federalnaya Sluzhba Bezopasnosti. Pro-government allies point out that RFE/RL is a US propaganda tool funded initially by CIA. They link Babitsky to Chechen militants and find Politkovskaya's mistake in being Chechen-friendly.

According to a poll by Levada-Center conducted a week after Beslan crisis, 83% of polled Russians believe that the government has been hiding at least a part of the truth about Beslan events from them [link].

Regional medical workers were stripped of their mobile phones and forbidden to leave local hospitals at the end of their shifts, in what is suspected to be a move to suppress leaks of casualty figures and related information.

North Ossetian Interior Minister Kazbek Dzantiev resigned shortly after the crisis. At the same time, Vladimir Putin fired the head of the republic's Federal Security Service (FSB) branch, Valery Andreyev. [link]

The Committee of Beslan Mothers also called for Putin to dismiss the North Ossetian president Alexander Dzasokhov. Dzasokhov resigned in May 2005, claiming that he has decided "to give way to a younger generation". [link]

Raf Shakirov, chief editor of the Izvestia newspaper, was forced to resign after criticism by the major shareholders of both style and content of the Saturday, September 4, 2004, issue [link]. In contrast to the less emotional coverage by other Russian newspapers, Izvestia had featured large pictures of dead or injured hostages; it also expressed doubts about the government's version of events ([listen to CBC's The Current]).

Increased security measures have been introduced in Russian cities. More than 10,000 people without proper documents have been detained by Moscow police. At least one incident of police violence has been recorded. Magomet Tolboev, an aide to Duma deputy from Dagestan, was beaten on a street in Moscow by two policemen because of his Chechen-sounding name.

Russian president Vladimir Putin had proposed changes to the political system. According to his plan, governors of Russia's oblasts, which were directly elected under the current system, are now appointed by the president. The election system for Russian Duma has also been changed. The reform plans drew criticism from the United States and European countries, as well as from Russia's liberals. Some critics have alleged that Putin is trying to increase his personal power, using the Beslan crisis as an excuse.

At the same time Putin suggested to create the Public Chamber that would control state bureaucracy, law enforcement and task force bodies.

Russian public appears to be generally supportive of increased security measures. Levada-Center poll found 58% of Russians supporting stricter anti-terrorism laws and death penalty for terrorism. 33% would support banning all Chechens from entering Russian cities. [link]

A year later, it was reported that an unknown number of survivors may have died as a result of a government-ordered vaccination called Nalaxon meant to counter the effects of Fentanyl-based poisons.[link]

Charity efforts

Countries and charities around the world donated to funds set up to assist the families and children that were involved in the hostage-taking. As of the end of 2004 the [International Foundation For Terror Act Victims] had raised over $1.1 million with a goal of $10 million.

The Beslan town council, itself having organised a charity fund, announced that it would donate $36,000 to aid the victims of the December 26, 2004, Indian Ocean Earthquake. The council stated that "The whole world reacted to our tragedy, so we cannot remain indifferent either".

In January 2005, an international group representing the organization "Children As the Peacemakers" [link] travelled to Moscow and Beslan on a Peace Mission. The group consisted of 9 Americans, 2 Canadians and 1 Japanese in addition to guides and translators. There were four children in the delegation. The mission was to create a new section of the 'Banner of Hope' dedicated to the victims.

Croatian capital Zagreb offered a free vacation to the Beslan children on the Adriatic. The former mayor of Zagreb Vlasta Pavić was one of the first foreign polititians to visit the school hostage site.

During Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Fradkov's visit to China in November of 2005, the Chinese Health Ministry announced that they were sending doctors to Beslan, and offered free medical care to any of the victims who still needed treatment.[link]

Main article: Beslan charity efforts.

International response

The attack at Beslan was met with international abhorrence and universal condemnation.

The UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan on September 7 2004 condemned it as a "brutal and senseless slaughter of children" and "terrorism, pure and simple".[link]

The Romano Prodi on behalf of the European Commission on September 3 2004 responded by calling the: "Killing of these innocent people is an evil, despicable act of barbarism."[link]

President Bush of the United States in a speech to the UN General Assembly September 2004 said of the terrorists at Beslan that they: "measure their success [...] in the death of the innocent, and in the pain of grieving families" [link]. And further in 2005 called it "the terrorist massacre of schoolchildren in Beslan" [link]

The British Prime Minister Tony Blair described the terrorist attack as "a barbaric act".

The Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi responded saying the international community should pool efforts in the face of the blind barbarity of international terrorism.

Danish Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen said that no aim or situation could justify taking children hostage.

The Indonesian government emphasized that it considers unacceptable using terrorist attacks to achieve any political aim. And that terrorism is alien to Islam that prohibits the killing of innocent people.

The leaders of India, Venezuela, Iran and Switzerland expressed their condolence and solidarity with Russia.

The Israel government offered help in rehabilitating freed hostage. Immediately after an experienced Israeli trauma team was send to Beslan and later Russian psychologists working with the victims of the massacre, received help on training by Israeli experts in Israel.

Films

See also

External links

News articles and features

Memoirs, tributes and obituaries

Photos and videos

Official reports and communication

Investigation and trial

Charity

 

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