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Charles Haughey

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Charles James Haughey (Irish name Cathal Ó hEochaidh; 16 September, 192513 June, 2006) was the sixth Taoiseach of the Republic of Ireland. One of the most controversial of Irish politicians in the 20th century, Haughey served three terms as taoiseach; 1979 to 1981, March 1982 to December 1982 and 1987 to 1992. He was the fourth leader of Fianna Fáil from 1979 until 1992. He died of cancer which had spread through his body, having been originally diagnosed with prostate cancer a decade earlier.

Charles Haughey was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a TD for Dublin in 1957, and was re-elected at each election until 1992. Haughey also served as Minister for Health & Social Welfare (1977-1979), Minister for Finance (1966-1970), Minister for Agriculture (1964-1966) and Minister for Justice (1961-1964). He also served as a Parliamentary Secretary during the early years of his parliamentary career. Haughey is credited with transforming the economy in the late 1980s. However, revelations about his personal finances and lifestyle tarnished his reputation in recent years.

Charles Haughey, known variously as Charles J. Haughey or Charlie Haughey, achieved a number of firsts. He was

Early life

Charles James Haughey was born in Castlebar, County Mayo. His father was an officer first in the Irish Republican Army during the Irish War of Independence, then in the army of the Irish Free State. Not long after Haughey's birth his father developed multiple sclerosis and had to retire from the army. The Haughey family then moved to Donnycarney, a mainly working-class northern suburb of Dublin.

Haughey was educated by the Christian Brothers at St. Joseph's, where one of his classmates was George Colley, the man who would later become his cabinet colleague and great rival in Fianna Fáil. He joined the Local Defence Force during The Emergency of 19391945 and considered a permanent career in the Army. Following his secondary education Haughey studied at University College Dublin, where he once lead a group of L.D.F. colleagues to tear down Union Jacks raised by protesters against Irish neutrality. He qualified as an accountant, and also attended King's Inns, where he qualified as a barrister. While at UCD Haughey became increasingly interested in politics and became an Auditor of the Commerce and Economics Society. He also met there with one of his future political rivals, Garret FitzGerald. FitzGerald's later wife, Joan O'Farrell, had at one stage dated Haughey.

After leaving university Haughey worked as an accountant with the firm Haughey, Boland & Company. He married Maureen Lemass, the daughter of the Fianna Fáil Minister and future Taoiseach, Seán F. Lemass, in 1951. He continued to serve with the Army Reserve through its transition to An F.C.Á. serving with the North Dublin Battalion, he was commissioned and eventually promoted to Lieutenant and commanding officer of the Donneycarney Platoon of the 7th Infantry Battalion, until he was forced to resign his commission on entering the Dáil in 1957.

Early political life

Sean Lemass, Haughey's father-in-law.Lemass appointed Haughey to his cabinet in 1961. Haughey considered seeking the leadership when Lemass retired.
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Sean Lemass, Haughey's father-in-law.
Lemass appointed Haughey to his cabinet in 1961. Haughey considered seeking the leadership when Lemass retired.
Haughey has become one of the most controversial of all Irish politicians. He started his political career as a local councillor before an embarrassing defeat in a by-election to Dáil Éireann. Undaunted he tried again and again and on the fourth attempt, in the 1957 General Election he was elected to the Dáil for the first time as a Fianna Fáil TD. Haughey was offered his first government position, that of Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice, Oscar Traynor, in 1960 by the government.Parliamentary Secretaries (prior to 1978) and Ministers of State since then, are selected and appointed by Government (cabinet), unlike Government ministers, who are selected by the Taoiseach and appointed by the President. It is unclear whether the choice was made by Lemass (his father-in-law and Taoiseach) or by the cabinet against the wishes of Lemass. Traynor had submitted a list of four names. The first, Sean Flanagan, had declined, while Lemass had rejected the other three. It was Lemass's task to formally inform Haughey that the Government wished to propose him for the post. He informed Haughey: 
As Taoiseach it is my duty to offer you the post of parliamentary secretary, and as your father-in-law I am advising you not to take it.T. Ryle Dwyer, Short Fellow: A Biography of Charles J. Haughey (Marino, 1995) p.31.
Haughey ignored Lemass's advice and accepted the offer. Though nominally the junior minister to Oscar Traynor, his constituency colleague who bitterly resented his selection, he was to all intents and purposes the full minister; Traynor, one of de Valera's old ministers, was elderly and in poor health, and only nominally running the department. Haughey and Traynor clashed openly, with Haughey's ability and radical ideas upsetting the less talented and conservative minister. When Lemass eased Traynor out in 1961 it was Haughey, who had already had an impact in the post of junior minister, who took on the job of Minister for Justice.

Haughey was one of the controverial figures in Leinster House since independence.
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Haughey was one of the controverial figures in Leinster House since independence.

Haughey came to epitomise the new style of politician — the "men in the mohair suits". He regularly socialised with other pioneering Cabinet colleagues such as Donagh O'Malley and Brian Lenihan. Haughey excelled in his post as Minister for Justice, initiating a scale of legislative reform that was unparalleled, before or since. He introduced important new legislation such as the Succession Act, which protected the inheritance rights of wives, and the Extradition Act. Haughey also reactivated the Special Criminal Court and helped to defeat the Irish Republican Army's Border Campaign. Haughey is universally regarded as the best Minister for Justice in Irish history, though his sudden move to become Minister for Agriculture meant that some of his initiatives came to be implemented in full by his able replacement, Brian Lenihan.

In 1962 Lemass's Minister for Agriculture, Paddy Smith, resigned over a policy dispute. To take media coverage away from the shock resignation, Lemass appointed the "star performer" in the government, Haughey, to the role. It worked: Smith's resignation was completely overshadowed, not least in criticism from the National Farmers Association of the appointment of a man who had lived most of his life in Dublin city, to head Irish agriculture.ibid. p.61.

Haughey became embroiled in a series of controversies with the NFA and another organisation, the Irish Creamery Milk Suppliers Association (ICMSA). 27 ICSMA picketers outside Leinster House, the national parliament, were arrested on the 27 April 1966 under the Offences Against the State Act, an Act usually reserved for use against terrorists. 78 were arrested the following day, and 80 a day later, as the dispute escalated. Eventually Haughey backed down, for reasons connected to the forthcoming presidential election (see below). Alone among his periods as a minister, his period in Agriculture was not viewed as a success.

The 1966 presidential campaign

As Agriculture Minister he did play a controversial role in the 1966 Irish presidential election. He had been appointed the Fianna Fáil campaign manager, chosen to run President de Valera's re-election campaign. His interventions proved highly controversial. Fine Gael chose a young TD and barrister, Tom O'Higgins to run against deV. Aware that de Valera's age (84) and almost total blindness might compare unfavourably to O'Higgins, whose campaigns drew comparisons with the equally youthful late United States president of Irish descent, John F. Kennedy, Haughey launched what was seen as a political stroke. He insisted that it was beneath the presidency to actively campaign, meaning that President de Valera would have a low profile. Therefore in the interests of fairness the media should also give O'Higgins a low profile, ignoring his speeches and publicity stunts. While the print media declined to do as Haughey suggested, the state-run Telifís Éireann (later called RTÉ), itself in its infancy and facing criticism from Lemass's government for being too radical in other areas, agreed and largely ignored the O'Higgins campaign.

In reality President de Valera got a high media profile from a different source, the 50th Anniversary commemoration of the Easter Rising, of which he was the most senior survivor. While O'Higgins's campaign was ignored, the President appeared in the Telifís Éireann coverage of the Rising events night after night. To add further to de Valera's campaign, Haughey as Agriculture Minister arranged for milk price increases to be given to farmers on the eve of polling.

In theory the strokes should have ensured an easy de Valera victory. Instead, to the shock of all (including many in Fine Gael) O'Higgins came within less than 1% of winning. (One extra vote in each ballot box would have won him the presidency.) The President only scraped re-election by ten thousand votes out of a total of nearly one million. De Valera personally developed a highly negative view of Haughey, whom he came to distrust. In 1970 he told Haughey rival Desmond O'Malley that Haughey would "destroy" Fianna Fáil.

In 1966 the Taoiseach, Seán F. Lemass, retired as such and as leader of Fianna Fáil. Haughey immediately threw his hat into the ring in a bid to succeed his father-in-law in the upcoming leadership election. George Colley and Neil Blaney did likewise. In spite of these very able candidates the party in general wasn't satisfied with the choice they were being offered. Some party elders, including Lemass himself, encouraged his Minister for Finance, Jack Lynch, to contest the party leadership. Lemass also encouraged Haughey and Blaney to withdraw in favour of Lynch, however Colley remained in the race. He was easily defeated by Lynch and a Cabinet reshuffle took place. Haughey was bitter about withdrawing from the leadership contest, however he was appointed Minister for Finance, the second most important position in the government. With his accountancy background, his interest in economic affairs and his driving vision the job suited him ideally. Again, Haughey showed a radical, reforming streak. Small scale initiatives caught the public imagination. He presided over an economic boom which saw him increase public spending in his four budgets (1967 - 1969), introduce free travel on CIE transport for pensioners, subsidise electricity for old age pensioners, and grant special tax concessions for the disabled and tax exemptions for artists.

Arms crisis

The late 1960s saw the old tensions boil over into an eruption of violence in Northern Ireland. Haughey was generally seen as coming from the pragmatist wing of the party, and was not believed to have strong opinions on the matter, despite having family links with Londonderry. Indeed many presumed that he had a strong apathy to physical force Irish republicanism; during his period as Minister for Justice he had followed a tough anti-IRA line, including using internment without trial against the IRA. The hawks in the cabinet were seen as Kevin Boland and Neil Blaney, both sons of founding fathers in the party with strong Old IRA pasts. Blaney was a TD for Donegal. They were opposed by those described as the "doves" of the cabinet; Tánaiste Erskine Childers, George Colley, Brian Lenihan and Patrick Hillery. A fund of £100,000 was set up to give to the Nationalist people in the form of aid. Haughey as Finance Minister would have a central role in the management of this fund.

There was general surprise when, in an incident known as the Arms Crisis, Haughey, along with Blaney, was sacked from Lynch's cabinet amid allegations of the use of the funds to import arms for use by the IRA. (Boland resigned in sympathy, while the alcoholic Micheál Ó Móráin was dismissed one day earlier in a preemptive strike to ensure a strong Minister for Justice was in place when the crisis broke. Lynch chose government chief whip Desmond O'Malley for the role.) Haughey and Blaney were subsequently tried in court along with an army Officer, Cpt. James Kelly, and Albert Luykx, a Belgian businessman who allegedly used his contacts to buy the arms.([Disputed statementdisputed]