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Chinook jargon

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Chinook Jargon was a trade language (or pidgin) of the Pacific Northwest, which spread quickly up the West Coast from Oregon, through Washington, British Columbia, and as far as Alaska. It is related to, but not the same as the indigenous language of the Chinook people, upon which much of its vocabulary is based. Most books written in English still use the term Chinook Jargon, but today the term Chinook Wawa is preferred by linguists working with the preservation of a creolized form of the language used in Grand Ronde, Oregon. Historical speakers did not use that name, however, but rather "the Wawa" or "Lelang" (from Fr. la langue, the tongue), although the name for the Jargon varied throughout the territory in which it was used, e.g. skokum hiyu in the Boston bar-Lytton area of the Fraser Canyon, or in many areas simply just "the old trade language".

Jargon was originally derived from a great variety of indigenous words as a contact language for the relatively isolated native tribes of the Pacific Northwest, many of whom had very distinct local languages. After European contact, it also gained English language and French language elements, as well as some from other languages brought to the area by immigrants from other parts of the world. Many of its words are still in common use in the Western United States and Canada. The total number of Jargon words in published lexicons only numbered in the hundreds, and so it was easy to learn. It has its own grammatical system, but a very simple one that, like its word list, was easy to learn. In the Diocese of Kamloops, British Columbia hundreds of speakers also learned to read and write the Jargon (Wawa) using the Duployan Shorthand - as a result, Jargon also had its own literature (mostly translated scripture and classical works, and some local and episcopal news, community gossip and events, and diaries).

Origins and Evolution

There is some controversy about the origin of the Jargon, but all agree that its glory days were during the 19th Century. During this era many dictionaries were published in order to help settlers interact with the First Nations people already living there. The old settler families' heirs in the Pacific Northwest sent communiques to each other, stylishly composed entirely in "the Chinook". Many residents of the British Columbia city of Vancouver chose to speak Chinook Jargon as their first language, even using it at home in preference to English. Among the first Europeans to use Chinook Jargon were traders, trappers, voyageurs and Catholic missionaries. Hawaiians and Chinese in the region made much use of it as well; in some places Kanakas married into the First Nations and non-native families and their particular mode of the Jargon is believed to have contained Hawaiian words, or Hawaiian styles of prononciation; similarly the Jargon as spoken by a Chinese person or a Norwegian or a Scot will have been influenced by those individuals' native-speaker terms and accents; and in some areas the adoption of further non-aboriginal words has been observed. The Chinook Jargon naturally became the first language in mixed-blood households, and also in multi-ethnic work environments such as canneries and lumberyards and ranches where it remained the language of the workplace well into the middle of the 20th Century. During the Gold Rush, Chinook Jargon was used in British Columbia by gold prospectors and Royal Engineers. As industry developed, Chinook Jargon was often used by cannery workers and hop pickers of diverse ethnic background. Loggers, fishermen and ranchers incorporated it in their jargon.

A heavily creolized form of Chinook Jargon (Chinuk Wawa or Tsinuk wawa) is still spoken as a first language by some residents of Oregon State, much as the Métis language Michif is still spoken in Canada. Hence, the Wawa as it is known in Oregon is now a creole language, distinct from the widespread and widely-varied pronunciation of the Chinook Jargon as it spread beyond the Chinookan homeland. There is evidence that in some communities (e.g. around Fort Vancouver) the Jargon had become creolized by the early 1800s, but that would have been among the mixed French/Metis, Algonkian, Scots and Hawaiian population there as well as among the natives around the Fort. At Grand Ronde, the resettlement of tribes from all over Oregon in a multi-tribal agency required the development of an intertribal language, and so the Wawa was augmented by the addition of Klickitat and Wasco words and sounds and "more Indian" modifications of the pronuncation and vocabulary.

No studies of British Columbia versions of the Jargon have demonstrated creolization and the range of varying usages and vocabulary in different regions suggests that localization did occur, although not on the pattern of Grand Ronde where Wasco, Klickitat and other peoples adopted and added to the version of the Jargon that developed in Grand Ronde. First-language speakers of the Chinook Jargon were common in BC, both native and non-native, until mid-20th Century, and it is a truism that while after 1850 the Wawa was mostly a native language in the United States portion of the Chinook-speaking world, it remained in wide use among non-natives north of the border for another century, especially in wilderness areas and working environments.. Local creolizations probably did occur in British Columbia, but recorded materials have not been studied since they were made due to the focus on the traditional aboriginal languages. Most Chinookology ignores non-native use of the Jargon, and there is a current in Jargon studies to purge or otherwise creolize the English and French words out of it, to "Indianize" it. Duane Pasco, an important figure in Chinookology but of an older generation and also of "skookum tillikums" origin, cites a dialogue "between a Chinaman and a Swede" that, he says, was some of the best-spoken Jargon, i.e. the most idiomatic and most articulate, he'd ever heard. He also noted the adoption in the Puget Sound area's local usage of the Jargon of the Dano-Norwegian glemde, the past participle of "forget" and huske from husker - "remember" (Scandinavians, Irish, French and Hawaiians, commonly fraternized and drank and married among the native peoples, and of course worked alongside native men in the mills and woods).

Some believe that something similar to the Jargon existed prior to European contact, but without European words in its vocabulary. There is some evidence for a Chinookan-Nuu-chah-nulth interlingua in the writings of John Jewitt and also in what is known as the Barclay Sound word-list (from the area of Ucluelet and Alberni. Others believe that the Jargon was formed within the great cultural cauldron of the time of Contact (1776-1846) and cannot be discussed, by the name, without that context and appreciation for the full range of the Jargon-speaking community and its history. Current opinion holds that a trade language of some kind probably existed prior to European contact, which began "morphing" into the more familiar Chinook Jargon in the late 1790s, notably at a dinner party at Nootka Sound where Capts Vancouver and Bodega y Quadra were entertained by Chief Maquinna and his brother Callicum performing a theatrical using mock-English and mock-Spanish words and mimickry of European dress and mannerisms. There evidently was a Jargon of some kind in use in the Queen Charlotte, but this "Haida Jargon" is not known to have shared anything in common with Chinook Jargon, or with the Nooktan-Chinookan "proto-jargon" which is its main foundation.

Many words in Chinook Jargon clearly had different meanings and pronunciations at various points in history, and continued to evolve into interesting regional variants. A few scholars have tried to improve the spelling, but since it was mostly a spoken language this is difficult (and many users tend to prefer the sort of spelling they use in English).

Use

Pacific Northwest historians are well acquainted with the Chinook Jargon, in name if not in the ability to understand it as mention of it, and sometimes phrases of it, were found in nearly every piece of historical source material before 1900. For everyone else, the fact that Chinook Jargon ever existed is relatively unknown, perhaps due to the great influx of newcomers into the influential urban areas. However, the memory of this language is not likely to fade entirely. Many words are still used and enjoyed throughout Washington, British Columbia, and Alaska. Oldtimers still dimly remember it, although in their youth, speaking this language was discouraged as slang. Nonetheless, it was the working language in many towns and workplaces, notably in ranching country and in canneries on the British Columbia Coast where it was necessary in the strongly multiethnic workforce. Place names throughout this region bear Jargon names and words are preserved in various rural industries such as logging and fishing.

The Chinook Jargon was multicultural and functional. There was no Official Chinook Jargon, although the past (and present) publishers of dictionaries would have had you believe otherwise. To those familiar with it, Chinook Jargon is often considered a wonderful cultural inheritance. For this reason, and because Jargon has not quite died, enthusiasts actively promote the revival of the language in everyday western speech.

An art installation featuring Chinook Jargon ("Welcome to the Land of Light" by Henry Tsang, translated into Chinook by Duane Pasco) can be viewed on the Seawall along False Creek in Yaletown, in Vancouver, British Columbia (at the foot of Drake Street).

Vocabulary

Jargon placenames are found throughout the Pacific Northwest and Mountain States, although the source language for a given place name is difficult, since Chinook Jargon borrowed a most of its native words from the Salishan languages.

A small collection of Jargon words:


Many equestrian terms are from French:


Many religious terms are from French:


Note hyas hyas stone illahee, meaning the "greatest and biggest land of stones", or "the great barren high country" in Paul St. Pierre's novella Breaking Smith Quarter Horse. The context of the title is the vast and diverse inland alpine areas of the Coast Mountains, flanking the Chilcotin district where the action of the novella takes place. The possible subreference stone, "testicles", may be to the power and ruggedness of the lands described by the phrase.

Speakers from Grand Ronde consider stone a rude word, unless in combination forms like stone kiuatan - "stallion" (horse still with its testicles, i.e. not a burdash kiuatan, which is a gelding). In British Columbia usages, stone can also simply mean rock, or stony country.

The term sojer was mostly used on the American side of the border, as troops in BC were known (in English) as Marines and Voltigeurs, and military deployments to quell native populations were virtually unknown (the Lamalcha War of 1863 being one of the exceptions, and it involved marines and sailors, not soldiers).

The word skookum remains a common component of English for long-time residents, for whom it means something strongly-built, or someone genuine, honest, reliable. It can also simply mean "impressive", as in "That's a pretty skookum bicycle you've got there!" (British Columbia). Also "I think that this rope isn't quite skookum."

Some have suggested the North American phrase "out in the sticks" may have originated in Chinook Jargon usages, adopted by Klondike-era travellers and transmitted to other parts of the continent, as were hooch and hyas muckamuck (or high muckamuck; usually high mucketymuck if heard outside the Northwest, however). The word tyee was commonly used and still occurs in some local English usages meaning "boss" or someone in charge. Business and local political and community figures of a certain stature from some areas are sometimes referred to in the British Columbia papers and histories by the old chiefly name worn by Maquinna and Concomly and Nicola. A man called hyas tyee would have been a senator, a longtime MP or MLA, or a business magnate with a strong local powerbase, long-time connections, and wealth from and because of the area.

The title Hyas Klootchman Tyee was used to refer to Queen Victoria in public proclamations during her reign. In theory, this title also applies to Queen Elizabeth II but it is no longer used by the BC government. Conceivably, Lieutenant-Governor Iona Campagnolo may be styled that way, since she speaks Chinook Jargon, but the proper form of address in English for a Lieutenant-Governor is "Your Honour". A possible Chinook equivalent might be Hyas Chutch (great judge/authority), or in Campagnolo's case, Hyas klootchman chutch.

The present, the here-and-now, is alta, the past ahnkuttie or ankate (emphasis on first syllable in all these words). Another, perhaps in a more immediate sense, word for "soon" is winapie. Ahknuttie and alki can all be changed in meaning by the lengthening of the initial vowel, and by the addition of the auxiliary laly (LAH-ly) and the lengthening of its initial vowel, e.g. laly ahnkuttie, meaning "long ago" becomes laaaaa-ly ahnkuttie, the ancient past, mythical times. Aaaahnkuttie would mean more something like "a considerable while ago", either by hours, days, weeks, or months, i.e. as in a recent or relatively recent event, or perhaps in response to Klatawa latleh elip? (has the train gone already?) Aaaahnkuttie - "yep, it's long gone". Laly by itself can also mean "soon", and tenas laly means "in just a little while", if not quite "right away", which would be alta (said with emphasis to add the exclamation point).

The English plural form was sometimes applied in Jargon formations, hiyu tillikums but also cultus Boston mans or cultus Bostons (rough translation: "Damned Yankees"), or hiyu whitemans. The use of the plural form is, however, not mandatory or regular.

Cascara, Bearberry, or chitticum is a type of tree whose aged bark is used as a laxative and modern laxative ingreedient.

See also

External links

 


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