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Externality

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In economics, an externality is the effect of a transaction between two parties on a third party who is not involved in the carrying out of that transaction. Externalities can be either positive, when an external benefit is generated, or negative, when an external cost is generated from a market transaction.

An externality occurs when a decision causes costs or benefits to stakeholders other than the person making the decision, often, though not necessarily, from the use of common goods (for example, a decision which results in pollution of the atmosphere would involve an externality). In other words, the decision-maker does not bear all of the costs or reap all of the gains from his or her action. As a result, in a competitive market too much or too little of the good will be consumed from the point of view of society. If the world around the person making the decision benefits more than he does, such as in areas of education, or safety, then the good will be underprovided; if the costs to the world exceed the costs to the individual making the choice in areas such as pollution or crime then the good will be overprovided from society's point of view.

Implications

External costs and benefits.
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External costs and benefits.
To most economists, the problem of an externality usually concerns the results of market activity. Economists see voluntary exchange as mutually beneficial to both parties in an exchange. On the other hand, either the consumption of a product such as perfume or other luxuries or its production may have external effects — as in the diagram. Those who suffer from external costs do so involuntarily, while those who enjoy external benefits do so freely. The left-hand-side of the diagram shows consumption externalities, such as those of perfume, while the right-hand-side shows production externalities, such as those produced by a perfume factory.
From the perspective of a social planner or welfare economist, this will result in an outcome that is not socially optimal. From the perspective of anybody affected by the externality, it is either a negative factor in their lives, as with obnoxious smell or pollution or a boon, as with the other's pretty clothes. In the first case, the person who is affected by the negative externality in the case of air pollution will likely see it as violating his freedom to breathe freely. It might even be seen as trespassing on their lungs, violating their property rights. Thus, an external cost can easily pose an ethical or political problem. Alternatively, it might be seen as a case of poorly-defined property rights.

An external benefit, on the other hand, may increase the availability of choice for — and thus the amount of freedom of — the beneficiaries with no cost to them. In effect, it can be called a "free lunch" for them. They may thus resist the ending of such beneficial externalities along with any associated inefficiencies.

The value of the effects of the externality are likely not something that can be easily calculated in a technocratic way by economists or social planners, since they reflect the ethical views and preferences of the entire population. Instead, for countries believing in popular sovereignty, some sort of democratic method is needed to attach values to the external costs and benefits.

Sometimes, laissez-faire economists such as Friedrich von Hayek and Milton Friedman refer to externalities as "neighborhood effects" or "spillovers". But it should not be thought that all externalities are small, spilling over only in the "neighborhood." For example, the burning of fossil fuels affects the entire "neighborhood" of the Earth, and according to many, causes global warming.

Going outside the broadly-defined liberal political tradition, Marxists see externalities of all sorts, including pecuniary ones, as ubiquitous, being the rule rather than the exception. Production is socialized or totally interdependent. On the other hand, under capitalism, property rights, the appropriation of income, and the making of economic decisions are largely individualized. In order to solve this contradiction between socialized production and individual decision-making, Marxists often call for democratic economic planning, as a key part of socialism.([cf. Frederick Engels, "Socialism: Utopian and Scientific"])

Types of externalities

Examples of negative externalities include:

Many of the most important negative externalities in the economy are concerned with pollution and the environment. See the article on environmental economics for more discussion of externalities and how they may be addressed in the context of environmental issues.

Examples of positive externalities include

Externalities are important in economics because they may lead to economic inefficiency. Because the producers of negative externalities do not have an incentive to take into account the effect of their actions on others, the outcome will be inefficient. There will be too much activity that causes negative externalities such as pollution, and not enough activity that creates positive externalities, relative to an optimal outcome. As noted, external costs also can imply political conflicts, rancorous lawsuits, and the like. This may make the problem of externalities too complex for the concept of Pareto optimality to handle. Similarly, if too many positive externalities fall outside the participants in a transaction, there will be too little incentive on parties to participate in activities that lead to the postive exernalities.

Externalities in supply and demand

The usual economic analysis of externalities can be illustrated using a standard supply and demand diagram if the externality can be monetized and valued in terms of money. An extra supply or demand curve is added, as in the diagrams below. One of the curves is the private cost that consumers pay as individuals for additional quantities of the good, which in competitive markets, is the marginal private cost. The other curve is the true cost that society as a whole pays for production and consumption of increased production the good, or the marginal social cost.

Similarly there might be two curves for the demand or benefit of the good. The social demand curve would reflect the benefit to society as a whole, while the normal demand curve reflects the benefit to consumers as individuals and is reflected as effective demand in the market.

Negative externalities

The graph below shows the effects of a negative externality. For example, the steel industry is assumed to be selling in a competitive market – before pollution-control laws were imposed and enforced (e.g. under laissez-faire). The marginal private cost is less than the marginal social or public cost by the amount of the external cost, i.e., the cost of air pollution and water pollution. This is represented by the vertical distance between the two supply curves. It is assumed that there are no external benefits, so that social benefit equals individual benefit.

Supply & Demand with external costs
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Supply & Demand with external costs
If the consumers only take into account their own private cost, they will end up at price Pp and quantity Qp, instead of the more efficient price Ps and quantity Qs. These latter reflect the idea that the marginal social benefit should equal the marginal social cost, that is that production should be increased only as long as the marginal social benefit exceeds the marginal social cost. The result is that a free market is inefficient since at the quantity Qp, the social benefit is less than the societal cost, so society as a whole would be better off if the goods between Qp and Qs had not been produced. The problem is that people are buying and consuming too much steel.

This discussion implies that pollution is more than merely an ethical problem; it is more than just "greedy" and profit-maximizing firms. The problem is one of the disjuncture between marginal and social costs that is not solved by the free market. There is a problem of societal communication and coordination to balance benefits and costs. This discussion also implies that pollution is not something solved by competitive markets. In fact, a monopoly might be able to use some of its excess profits to be benevolent and internalize the externality (pay the cost of the pollution). More likely, a monopoly would artificially restrict the quantity supplied in order to maximize profits. This would actually benefit society in this situation because it would mean less pollution than in the competitive case. Perfectly competitive firms have no choice but to produce according to market incentives or private costs: if one decides to internalize external costs, it implies higher costs than those of competitors and likely exit from the market. So some collective solution is needed, such as, government intervention banning or discouraging pollution, by means of economic incentives such as taxes, or an alternative economy such as participatory economics.

Beneficial externalities

The graph below shows the effects of a positive or beneficial externality. For example, the industry supplying smallpox vaccinations is assumed to be selling in a competitive market. The marginal private benefit of getting the vaccination is less than the marginal social or public benefit by the amount of the external benefit, i.e., the fact that if one person gets the vaccination, others are less likely to get the smallpox even if they themselves are not vaccinated. This marginal external benefit of getting a smallpox shot is represented by the vertical distance between the two demand curves. Assume that there are no external costs, so that social cost equals individual cost.

Supply & Demand with external benefits
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Supply & Demand with external benefits
If consumers only take into account their own private benefits from getting vaccinations, the market will end up at price Pp and quantity Qp as before, instead of the more efficient price Ps and quantity Qs. These latter again reflect the idea that the marginal social benefit should equal the marginal social cost, i.e., that production should be increased as long as the marginal social benefit exceeds the marginal social cost. The result in an unfettered market is inefficient since at the quantity Qp, the social benefit is greater than the societal cost, so society as a whole would be better off if more goods had been produced. The problem is that people are buying too few vaccinations.
The issue of external benefits is related to that of public goods, which are goods where it is difficult if not impossible to exclude people from benefits. The production of a public good has beneficial externalities for all, or almost all, of the public. As with external costs, there is a problem here of societal communication and coordination to balance benefits and costs. This also implies that pollution is not something solved by competitive markets. The government may have to step in with a collective solution, such as subsidizing or legally requiring vaccine use. If the government does this, the good is called a merit good.

Externalities and the Coase theorem

Ronald Coase argued that individuals could organize bargains so as to bring about an efficient outcome and eliminate externalities without government intervention. The government should restrict its role to facilitating bargaining among the affected groups or individuals and to enforcing any contracts that result. This result, often known as the "Coase Theorem," requires that

  1. Property rights are well defined;
  2. People act rationally
  3. Transaction costs are minimal
Only if all three of these apply, will individual bargaining solve the problem of externalities.

Thus, this theorem does not apply to the steel industry case discussed above. For example, with a steel factory that trespasses on the lungs of a large number of individuals with its pollution, it is difficult if not impossible for any one person to negotiate to be with big external costs, to regulate the firm while paying for the regulation with taxes.

The case of the vaccinations also does not fit with the Coase Theorem. The firms of the vaccination industry would have to get together to bribe large numbers of people to have their shots. Individual firms would be tempted to "free ride" and not pay the cost of these bribes. In many cases, it is simpler to involve the government.

This does not say that the Coase theorem is totally irrelevant. For example, if a logger is planning to clear-cut a forest in a way that has a negative impact on the nearby resort, it is quite possible that the resort-owner and the logger could get together to agree to a deal. For example, the resort-owner could pay the logger not to clear-cut -- or could buy the forest. In terms of the examples that started this entry, telling someone that her perfume is offensive may easily lead to its being replaced, while praising the clothes of the fancy dresser may encourage the wearing of similar clothes in the future. Of course, none of these bargains may work out as well as desired.

Also, the central government may not be needed. Traditional ways of life may have evolved as ways to deal with external costs and benefits. Alternatively, democratically-run communities can agree to deal with these costs and benefits in an amicable way.

See also

External links

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