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Tom O'Higgins introduced the Voluntary Health Insurance Board (VHI) and thus established Ireland's partly insurance-based health service that persists today. Fianna Fáil and deValera were returned to power in 1957, banishing Fine Gael once more to the opposition benches.

While the party has always been associated with the "Law and Order" tag, on several occasions they have shared power with political parties closely associated with armed groups. In 1948 Clann na Poblachta held considerable support among members of the then IRA, and, in return for the Clann's support in 1954, Costello ensured that the votes of Fine Gael councillors elected Liam Kelly to the Seanad (Labour Panel).² Kelly had been a member of the IRA from which he was expelled for insubordination in 1951. He then founded a splinter paramilitary group, Saor Uladh ("Free Ulster") which was largely active in Kelly's home area in east Tyrone. Incidents such as Saor Uladh's attack on the RUC barracks in Rosslea, County Fermanagh contributed to the fall of the Government and the 1957 general election. Costello's Government, although it decided against the re-introduction of internment, responded to the activities of Saor Uladh and the mainstream IRA by stepping up security measures against these groups, leading to the arrest of prominent republicans. In response to this and to a rapid deterioration in the state of the economy, Clann na Poblachta withdrew its support and Costello was left with no choice other than to call an election.³

The Just Society and Tom O'Higgins

Out of government, Fine Gael went into decline. In the mid 1960s, however, it launched a new policy statement, known as The Just Society, advocating policies based on principles of social justice and equality. That document was the brainchild of Declan Costello, a Fine Gael TD and son of former Taoiseach John A Costello, and reflected an emerging faction in the party that was being influenced by Social Democracy. This new strand of thinking in Fine Gael paved the way for the entry to the party of liberal thinkers such as Garret FitzGerald. Party Leaders of the time remained conservative but the seeds of the 1980s revolution had been sown. In 1966, Fine Gael's young presidential candidate, Tom O'Higgins, came within 1% of defeating the apparently unbeatable sitting president, Eamon de Valera, in that year's presidential election. This was regarded as a substantial achievement as Fianna Fáil had persuaded RTÉ to provide no coverage of the campaign and the election was held in the year of the 50th anniversary of the Easter Rising of which De Valera payed a prominent role. O'Higgins came from the emerging Social Democrat wing of the party.

The National Coalition

When James Dillon resigned as Fine Gael leader in 1965, Liam Cosgrave (the son of Cumann na nGaedheal founder W.T Cosgrave) was chosen to replace him. The swift changeover was viewed as a means of keeping control of the party away from the emerging centre left wing of the party. In the wake of the Fianna Fáil Arms Crisis and Cosgrave's strong performances in opposition in defending the institutions of the State, the party was well positioned to return to Government with the Labour Party (which had ruled out coalition in its election campaign in 1969). After a break of sixteen years, Fine Gael returned to power in 1973, at the head of a National Coalition government with Labour, under Cosgrave's leadership, on the basis of a pre-election agreement between the two parties and active encouragement of each party's supporters to record preferences for the other party's candidates. That government has generally been regarded as a good government, but was hit by frequent problems. Some of these were outside its control (for example the 1970s oil crisis) and escalating violence in Northern Ireland, while others were its own direct creation — notably the verbal attack on President Cearbhall Ó Dalaigh by the Minister for Defence, Patrick Donegan, in which he called the President a "thundering disgrace". President Ó Dálaigh's subsequent resignation in 1976 severely damaged the National Coalition's reputation.

Cosgrave, like his father before him, showed a fierce determination to defend the institutions of the state and would not compromise with extremists, instead working towards reconciliation. The National Coalition is best remembered for its attempts to build a power shairing executive in Northern Ireland through the Sunningdale Agreement. The Sunningdale Agreement collapsed after a loyalist general strike. However, it left a legacy of compromise that would lead to later Agreements aimed at bringing peace to the troubled region. In 1977 the Fine Gael/Labour government suffered a heavy defeat, with Fianna Fáil winning an unprecedented 20-seat majority in the 148-seat Dáil, a landslide under Proportional Representation.

Garret FitzGerald

Cosgrave resigned the leadership and was replaced by Garret FitzGerald. FitzGerald had been a successful Minister for Foreign Affairs in the National Coalition, his affable style and liberal views did much to change the stereotypical European view of Ireland (and perhaps Ireland of itself). FitzGerald was one of Ireland's most popular politicians and son of Desmond FitzGerald, a Cumann na nGaedheal Minister for External Affairs. He moved Fine Gael to the left and promoted the Liberal Agenda. He also founded the autonomous youth movement Young Fine Gael, while the party attracted thousands of new members. Fine Gael seemed trendy under FitzGerald's leadership (for instance, U2 endorsed them at this time). Fine Gael's revitalisation was of such a scale that by the November 1982 general election, Fine Gael was only five seats behind Fianna Fáil in Dáil Éireann and bigger than the party in the Oireachtas (both houses of parliament put together). As Taoiseach, FitzGerald attempted to create a more pluralist Republic. In 1985 after lengthy negotiations he succeeded in negotiating the Anglo-Irish Agreement. This gave the Republic a say in the affairs of Northern Ireland while improving the Anglo-Irish relationship. FitzGerald headed three governments: 1981 – February 1982, 1982 – 1987, and a short-lived Fine Gael minority government whenLabour withdrew from the previous coalition as tensions had developed between the coalition partners over how to tackle the economy. In 1987 the party was defeated heavily in the general election. FitzGerald resigned and his close ally and former Minister for Finance Alan Dukes replaced him. Like FitzGerald, Dukes came from the wing of Fine Gael influenced by Social Democracy.

Decline, then the Rainbow Coalition

From a highpoint in the 1980s, Fine Gael went into slight, then sharp decline. Despite Dukes launching the Tallaght Strategy in 1987, the party gained just four seats in the following general Election. In 1990, its candidate in the Irish presidential election, Austin Currie, was pushed into a humiliating third place, behind the winner, Labour's Mary Robinson and Fianna Fáil's Brian Lenihan. This led to John Bruton replacing Alan Dukes as the party's leader. In 1989, political history was made when Fianna Fáil abandoned one of its "core principles", its opposition to coalition. Having failed in 1987 and 1989 to win outright majorities, Fianna Fáil entered into a coalition administration with the Progressive Democrats. Commentators predicted that that would leave Fine Gael isolated, with Fianna Fáil able to swap coalition partners to keep itself in continual power. That indeed seemed the case when, after the 1992 general election, Fianna Fáil replaced the Progressive Democrats with the Irish Labour Party. However the Fianna Fáil-Labour coalition disintegrated in 1994, allowing Bruton to emerge as Taoiseach of a three party Rainbow Coalition, involving Fine Gael, Labour and Democratic Left.

Immediately after the 1992 general election Fine Gael had baulked at the idea of forming a Fine Gael-Labour-Democratic Left coalition, given that Democratic Left had just emerged from the Workers Party which was, in turn, closely linked to the illegal Official IRA. (Democratic Left had only been in existence for a number of months; the split in the Workers Party which led to its creation was caused, among other issues, by disagreement over that organisation's future links to the Official IRA.) Another, practical, objection was that the three parties combined had one seat less than a working majority in the Dáil. For these reasons (and on the basis of the greater ideological affinity between Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats) Bruton sought a Fine Gael-Labour-PD coalition. Between 1992 and 1994, however, the Dáil arithmetic changed, so that a Fine Gael-Labour-Democratic Left would have a working majority.⁴ When the opportunity to form such a Government arose, any remaining concerns Fine Gael had about forming such a combination were set aside, just as in 1948 and 1954 Fine Gael had been willing to ally itself with Clann na Poblachta (see The Inter Party Governments above).

This Government's first policy initiative was the introduction of Divorce which was ratified in a referendum by a narrow majority. The Government also oversaw unprecedented economic growth and Ireland's first budget surplus in over twenty years. However, the Provisional IRA ceasefire ended in 1996, stalling the peace process. The three parties worked well together and fought the 1997 election on a united platform. However, despite positive opinion polls throughout its time in office, the Government was defeated in the 1997 general election. Fine Gael gained nine seats but Labour lost heavily and the rainbow coalition was replaced by a Fianna Fáil-Progressive Democrats coalition under Bertie Ahern.

Meltdown and recovery

The party had little answer as popular Taoiseach Bertie Ahern cemented his title as the Teflon Taoiseach (a reference to his uncanny ability to emerge unscathed from controversy after controversy). The party, facing a hostile media and criticism of Bruton's style of leadership, ditched him in 2001 in place of what was seen as the dream ticket of former Minister Michael Noonan for leader and former minister Jim Mitchell for deputy leader. However the dream proved to be a nightmare, as Fine Gael suffered its worst ever election result in the 2002 general election, declining from 54 TDs to 31. Many of its best TDs, including most of its front bench, in particular Deputy Leader Jim Mitchell, lost their seats. Noonan resigned on the night of the election result, and was replaced by Enda Kenny in the subsequent leadership election. With the scale of the collapse, questions were asked as to whether the party had a future.

However, Fine Gael staged a remarkable recovery in local and European elections held on 11 June 2004. It won 5 of the Republic of Ireland's 13 European Parliament seats (compared to just 4 seats for the ruling Fianna Fáil party), and won almost the same number of local authority seats as Fianna Fáil.

Pre-election pact

Since the Local and European elections the party's membership has continued to increase while the overall party morale is at its highest level in over a decade.

Since the 2005 endorsement by the Labour Party conference in Tralee, of a pre-election voting transfer pact with Fine Gael in 2005, Enda Kenny and Pat Rabbitte, the Labour party leader have seen increased parlaimentary and public co-operation.

Following on from the Mullingar Accord, an election pact preceding the 2004 Local and European elections, where Fine Gael benifited largely, they have worked party rank and file into support of a second Rainbow Coalition. With the Irish General Election in under a year away, they have began to draw up mutually acceptable and compatible policy documents. It is suspected that if the parties form a government after the next election, the Labour Party leader, will become Taniste (deputy primeminister), and Minister of Finance, with the Fine Gael leader becoming the Taoiseach (premier).

Though some doubt their potential for forming a stable government, with some opponents and journalists commenting on their incompatibility with Fine Gael as a traditionally centre right conservative party and Labour, a left of centre socially democratic organisation, the parties seem set to effect their plans and assist each other electorally in the 2007 pole. The leaders have set aside the Summer season for the bulk of policy formation.

Fine Gael appears set to at least regain many of the seats it lost during the disastrous 2002 campaign at the next General Election.

The Fine Gael party has achieved an average of just over 30% of first preference votes in Irish elections since 1922.

Young Fine Gael

Fine Gael have an active youth wing, Young Fine Gael. They were formed in 1977 by Garret FitzGerald and play an active part in the party's affairs and activities.

Current state of the Irish political parties

''The state of the parties is: Fianna Fáil 31 per cent, down 6 from the last Irish Times/TNS mrbi poll in January; Fine Gael 28 per cent, up 4; Labour 15 per cent, down 1; Sinn Féin 9 per cent, unchanged; Green Party 5 per cent, up 1; Progressive Democrats 3 per cent, unchanged; others and independents 9 per cent, up 1.

Core support is: Fianna Fáil 30 per cent, down 6; Fine Gael 21 per cent, up 3; Labour 11 per cent, down 1; Sinn Féin 7 per cent, unchanged; Green Party 4 per cent, up 1; Progressive Democrats 2 per cent, down 1; others and independents 8 per cent, up 1; undecided 17 per cent, up 2.

The Fianna Fáil/Progressive Democrats coalition parties have a combined support of just 34 per cent compared to 43 per cent for Fine Gael and Labour. The Green Party, currently on 5 per cent, is seen as a potential participant in a government involving Fine Gael and Labour, although it plans to fight the next election independent of alliances.

The poll was conducted on the 15th and 16th of May, among a national quota sample of 1,000 people at 100 sampling points throughout all constituencies in the State. It took place after a weekend in which the Taoiseach received high profile coverage in relation to Fianna Fáil's 80th anniversary celebrations, but also in the wake of the Fine Gael Ardfheis the previous weekend.''

Enda Kenny's personal rating remains at 40 per cent, the same figure he achieved last January. Some 27 per cent are dissatisfied down 2, and 33 per cent have no opinion, up 1.

The percentage vote for the parties in the 2002 general election was: Fianna Fáil 42 per cent, Fine Gael 22 per cent, Labour 11 per cent, Sinn Féin 7 per cent, Progressive Democrats 4 per cent, Green Party 4 per cent, others and independents 11 per cent. The Taoiseach said last weekend that he would call the next general election for May or June of next year. From the Irish Times, Friday May 19th with statistics from TNS/mrbi.

Dail Representation

Fine Gael has 33 seats, represented by the bright blue squares in the bottom left corner.

Public Representatives

Notable past Teachtaí Dála are

• John Bruton - Former Taoiseach
• Garret Fitzgerald - Former Taoiseach

For a list of Fine Gael Teachtaí Dála and MEPs, past and present see ''List of Irish politicians

Changes since the 2002 General Election

Liam Twomey, elected as an Independent for Wexford, joined the Fine Gael Parliamentary Party in September 2004.

John Bruton resigned his Dáil seat in November 2004 to become EU Ambassador to the US, and was replaced in the March 2005 by-election by Shane McEntee, also from Fine Gael.

Associated figures

Michael Collins, W.T Cosgrave, Kevin O'Higgins, Eoin O'Duffy, Richard Mulcahy, John A. Costello, James Dillon, Liam Cosgrave, Tom O'Higgins, Garret FitzGerald, Peter Barry, Alan Dukes, John Bruton, Nora Owen, Michael Noonan, Jim Mitchell

Fine Gael in Europe

Fine Gael Members of the European Parliament elected in June 2004:

• Gay Mitchell - Dublin
• Mairead McGuinness - Ireland East
• Avril Doyle - Ireland East
• Simon Coveney - Ireland South
• Jim Higgins - Ireland West

Fine Gael MEPs are part of the Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) and European Democrats (EEP-ED) group in the European Parliament.

Fine Gael Front Bench

• Enda Kenny - Leader of Fine Gael and spokesperson on Northern Ireland
• Richard Bruton - Spokesperson for Finance
• Jim O'Keeffe - Spokesperson for Justice & Law Reform
• Bernard Allen - Spokesperson for Foreign Affairs
• Phil Hogan - Spokesperson for Enterprise, Trade & Employment
• Liam Twomey - Spokesperson for Health And Children
• John Perry - Spokesperson for the Marine
• Fergus O'Dowd - Spokesperson for Environment, Heritage & Local Government
• Jimmy Deenihan - Spokesperson for Arts, Sport And Tourism
• David Stanton - Spokesperson for Social, Family Affairs & Equality
• Olivia Mitchell - Spokesperson for Transport
• Dinny McGinley - Spokesperson for Community, Rural And Gaeltacht Affairs
• Denis Naughten - Spokesperson for Agriculture And Food
• Olwyn Enright - Spokesperson for Education And Science
• Billy Timmins - Spokesperson for Defence
• Bernard Durkan - Spokesperson for Communications & Natural Resources
• Paul Connaughton - Spokesperson for Regional Development
• Senator Brian Hayes - Spokesperson on Dublin.
• Paul Kehoe - Chief Whip
• Michael Noonan - Spokesperson without portfolio and Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee.

Additional Reading

• Nealon's Guide to the 29th Dáil and Seanad (Gill and Macmillan, 2002) (ISBN 0717132889)
• Stephen Collins, "The Cosgrave Legacy" (Blackwater, 1996) (ISBN 086121658X)
• Garret FitzGerald, "Garret FitzGerald: An Autobiography" (Gill and Macmillan, 1991) (ISBN 071711600X)
• Jack Jones, In Your Opinion: Political and Social Trends in Ireland through the Eyes of the Electorate (Townhouse, 2001) (ISBN 1860591493)
• Maurice Manning, James Dillon: A Biography (Wolfhound, 1999/2000) (ISBN 086327823X)
• Stephen O'Byrnes, Hiding Behind a Face: Fine Gael under FitzGerald (Gill and Macmillan: 1986) (ISBN 0717114481)
• Raymond Smith, Garret: The Enigma (Aherlow, 1985) (no ISBN)

External links

• [Official site]

See also

Footnotes

Note 1: The European Democrats party is a eurosceptic group that consists mainly of the Conservative Party (UK) with the sole MEP from the Ulster Unionist Party, plus twelve from the Czech Republic, one Italian pensioner and two from Portugal. The EPP and the ED have common values on most issues, but are diametrically opposed on the future direction of the European Union.

Note 2: Kelly made one speech as a Senator, in support of a motion that all elected parliamentary representatives of the people of "the six occupied counties of Ireland" should be given a right of audience in the Dáil or in the Seanad: 44 Seanad Debates cols 344-50 (25 November 1954) and another brief intervention (in Irish) in a debate on the development and preservation of the Gaeltacht: 45 Seanad Debates cols 507-508 (2 November 1955).

Note 3: Maguire, John Internment, the IRA and the Lawless Case in Ireland: 1957-61 Journal of the Oxford University History Society, 2 (Michelmas 2004) pp 2-4. Available [http://users.ox.ac.uk/~jouhs/michaelmas2004/maguire02.pdf] (Last visited, 14 July 2006).

Note 4: Fine Gael had gained two seats at bye-elections (one from Fianna Fáil and one from the PDs) and Democratic Left two (one from Fianna Fáil and one from Labour): List of Irish by-elections - 27th Dáil Éireann (1992-1997).)

Political Parties in the Republic of Ireland
Represented in Dáil Éireann:	Fianna Fáil (80) | Fine Gael (32) | Labour Party (21) | Progressive Democrats (8) | Green Party (6) | Sinn Féin (5) | Socialist Party (1)
Represented in Seanad Éireann:	Fianna Fáil (29) | Fine Gael (15) | Labour Party (5) | Progressive Democrats (5)
'''Represented in the European Parliament:	Fine Gael (5) | Fianna Fáil (4) | Labour Party (1) | Sinn Féin (1)
Minor parties:	Workers Party | Socialist Workers Party | Communist Party of Ireland | Christian Solidarity Party | Republican Sinn Féin

 

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