Foreign relations of Fiji
Encyclopedia : F : FO : FOR : Foreign relations of Fiji
| History of Fiji |
Discovery The rise and fall of Cakobau Colonial Fiji Fiji since 1970 Main article Constitutional crisis of 1977 Coups of 1987 Coup of 2000 Main article Timeline - Mutinies Aftermath - Allegations Mara deposed - Iloilo plot Investigations - Trials Court Martial - Military unrest Reconciliation Commission Main article Supporters - Opponents Qualified positions Military opposition Religious reaction Military-church relations Foreign reaction Crisis of 2005-2006 Main article Timeline Baledrokadroka incident Reaction |
| Politics - [[Portal:Politics>Politics portal]] Fiji
Foreign affairs
Fiji maintains an independent, but generally pro-Western, foreign policy. It has traditionally had close relations with the United Kingdom, as well as with its major trading partners Australia and New Zealand. These relations cooled after both the 1987 and 2000 coups, and Fiji was suspended for a time from the Commonwealth of Nations, a grouping of mostly former British colonies. It was readmitted to the Commonwealth in December 2001, following the parliamentary election held to restore democracy in September that year. Other Pacific Island governments have generally been sympathetic to Fiji's internal political problems and have declined to take public positions.
Fiji became the 127th member of the United Nations on October 13, 1970, and participates actively in the organization. Fiji's contributions to UN peacekeeping are unique for a nation of its size. It maintains nearly 1,000 soldiers overseas in UN peacekeeping missions, mainly in the Middle East.
Since independence, Fiji has been a leader in the South Pacific region, and has played a leading role in the formation of the South Pacific Forum. Fiji has championed causes of common interest to Pacific Island countries.
In an interview with the Fiji Times on 29 May 2005, America's outgoing Ambassador David Lyons renewed his country's criticism of Fijian policies by criticizing the Qarase government's proposed Reconciliation and Unity Commission. Lyons expressed concern that its provisions for amnesty for persons convicted of involvement in the coup d'etat that overthrew the elected government in 2000 would encourage further coups in the future. "If a democratic society doesn't make it clear that the violent over-throw of its elected leaders is a crime against that society, I have to think that it is inviting future upheaval," he said. He also condemned statements of public figures predicting coups if they, their party, or their race is not successful in the next parliamentary election, saying that such threats were "absolutely despicable in a free, democratic society" and constituted "the worst form of scaremongering."
Lyons said that the amnesty for perpetrators of the 1987 coups had been an error of judgement and had set a precedent which could negatively affect the future unless stopped now. He concurred with statements made by a number of Fijian politicians, including deposed Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudhry and Senator Adi Koila Nailatikau, that a coup culture had taken root in Fiji. He warned that tourism, which forms the mainstay of the Fijian economy, would be adversely impacted by any further instability. He believed, he said, that the Qarase government was sincere in its commitment to democracy, and acknowledged positive steps taken by the government to restore the rule of law. He added a word of caution, however: "All of these positive steps ... will vanish in an instant if there is another coup or sufficient political upheaval questioning the legitimacy of future elections."
On 12 July, however, Lyons cautioned the Fijian Military against using the legislation as a pretext for a coup d'état. Their concern over the proposed law was understandable, he said, but it did warrant the overthrow of the government. "Extra constitutional action against a duly elected democratic government ... is unacceptable," he said. A coup would be detrimental not only to Fiji, but to the entire Pacific region, Lyons said.
The Australian government has taken a more measured position than its New Zealand counterpart (q.v.) over the controversial Reconciliation, Tolerance, and Unity Bill currently being debated in the Fijian Parliament. Susan Boyd, a former Australian High Commissioner to Fiji, has strongly criticized the legislation, but Foreign Minister Alexander Downer has said that it is an "internal matter" and that Australia does not want to get involved. He did, however, condemn recent threats from the Military commander, Commodore Frank Bainimarama, to declare martial law and arrest members of the present government if the bill is passed. The Australian High Commission in Suva told Bainimarama that his threats are not "the proper role for the military in a democracy."
Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer visited Fiji for two days of talks, from 28-30 September 2005. Downer met government ministers and officials, Opposition Leader Mahendra Chaudhry, and Military commander Commodore Frank Bainimarama. The talks covered the controversial Unity bill, as well as the future of Fiji's preferential trade access to the Australian market, which the Fijian government regards as a priority. Downer said that he intended to elaborate further on Prime Minister John Howard's promise of a seven-year extension of the SPARTECA-TCF scheme, which assists Fiji's textile, clothing, and footwear industry.
Foreign Minister Tavola expressed grave concern on 7 February 2006 about a proposed Regional Trade Agreement (RTA) between Australia and China, saying that Fiji's exports to Australia would be unable to compete with Chinese products. For that reason, Fiji was persisting in its efforts to persuade Australia to renew the South Pacific Regional Trade and Economic Cooperation - Textile Clothing Footwear (SPARTECA-TCF) scheme, to improve the competitiveness of Fijian exports, the Fiji Live news service reported.
The row escalated when, on 16 May, Health Minister Solomone Naivalu voted in support of Taiwan's bid to gain observer status at the World Health Assembly in Geneva. Naivalu had apparently done so on his own initiative, contrary to a government briefing, sparking a major public disagreement between himself and Foreign Minister Tavola. Jia Qinglin, chairman of the People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), was dispatched to Fiji and met Prime Minister Qarase during a brief stopover on 21-22 May, a move that Tavola said was not coincidental. He said that Fiji could not afford to lose China, and that the government would ensure that "careless incidences" like Naivalu's vote in Geneva would not recur. Naivalu responded by saying that his vote was nothing new: "We always support Taiwan to get observer status every year," he said.
On 10 December 2005, the New Zealand Herald quoted Tavola as saying that Fiji would have to find a way to resolve a stand-off between the PRC and Taiwan, over membership of the Suva-based Council of South Pacific Tourism Organisation; China was resisting Taiwanese attempts to join the organization on an equal basis. [''"If China had its way it would not want Taiwan on that. So we have to resolve the situation amicably and are looking at how both countries can be represented there,"']Tavola said.
In defence of the earlier incident over the Taiwanese President's visit, Tavola said that it was the Pacific way to welcome people. "Even when considering Taiwan as a province of China, he went on, the President of a province is a man of high profile, so when he comes there is an urge to extend hospitality." It did not signify any modification to Fiji's adherence to the One China policy, he had explained to the Chinese ambassador.
China has invested in a number of major projects in Fiji. These include the Suva sports stadium, built for the South Pacific Games of 2003.
On 14 December 2005, Fiji's Military Commander, Commodore Frank Bainimarama began an official visit to China, at the invitation of the People's Liberation Army. He reaffirmed Fiji's support for the One China policy.
It was announced on 24 January 2006 that Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao would visit Fiji in April to open the China-Pacific Islands Countries Economic Development & Cooperation Forum Ministerial Conference 2006 at Sofitel Fiji Resort in Nadi, a conference of economic and trade ministers from Pacific island countries. Six Prime Ministers from neighbouring countries are expected to participate, according to a Fiji Times report on 23 February. His visit to Fiji will be the first by a senior Chinese government official.
In an interview with PACNEWS on 1 February 2006, Jeremaia Waqanisau, Fiji's Ambassador to Beijing, made a stinging attack on the efficiency of the Fijian civil service, saying that it negatively affected Fiji's ability to present itself to China. Cabinet Ministers visited China without the Fijian embassy being informed, he complained. Certain civil servants were extremely passive in their dealings with China, he said. Another factor inhibiting Chinese investment was the instability caused by friction between the government and the Military, he surmised, and the Fijian embassy in Beijing was continually engaged in damage control.
New Zealand's Foreign Minister Winston Peters (who replaced Goff in late 2005) flew into Fiji on 8 February 2006 for three days of talks with Fijian government officials. He met Prime Minister Qarase, Finance Minister Ratu Jone Kubuabola, and Military Commander Commodore Frank Bainimarama on the first day of his visit; meetings with Foreign Minister Tavola and House of Representatives Speaker Ratu Epeli Nailatikau were held later. The meeting with Bainimarama attracted some media attention; Bainimarama said that the meeting had been approved by Prime Minister Qarase and that there was nothing underhand about it.
The talks are to cover such matters as the Pacific Plan and a cost-sharing agreement for a citizen education project, promoted by the United Nations Development Programme.
Tavola said the British withdrawal could create a power vacuum which others could exploit. A new Cold War era could come to the Pacific region, he said, with rivalries between China and Taiwan, as well as between China and Japan.
Fiji retaliated on 13 June with a threat to impose a total commercial embargo on Vanuatu. Major income-earners for Vanuatu targeted by the Fijian government include Vanuatu kava, valued at almost US$3.2 million, and Air Vanuatu flights (US$8 million).
On 29 June, Foreign Minister Tavola said that Fiji was "running out of patience" and that he was writing to the government of Vanuatu in what he called a "final gesture of friendship."
On 27 July, Vanuatu's Trade Minister James Bule signed an order lifting the ban, effective from 22 July. No reason was given for the change of policy, but the Fiji Live news service reported that the decision averted a lawsuit from FMF and the threatened kava ban.
Fiji's Foreign Affairs chief executive officer, Isikeli Mataitoga, said that Fiji's policy of pursuing diplomatic channels in dealing with such disputes had been vindicated. "Whilst I agree that it can take a bit of time to see it through carefully, it nevertheless, demonstrates to our regional friends that we are principled in our approach to international relations and diplomacy," Mataitoga said.
There was another twist on 28 July, however, when FMF Chairman Hari Punja called the lifting of the ban a fabrication. He said that in place of the ban, the Vanuatu government had introduced a restrictive new quota system for imports which would make it "impossible" to export to Vanuatu. He called on the Fijian government to continue to pressure its Vanuatu counterparts.
Foreign Minister Tavola denounced the latest move of the Vanuatu government on 3 August, saying that it breached an agreement. On 9 August, he announced that the government had decided to go ahead with its threatened embargo against the importing of Vanuatu kava. On 16 August the Cabinet finalized the decision, banning all imports of Vanuatu kava for six months, after which the ban would be reviewed. On 18 August, Fiji Islands Revenue and Customs Authority chief executive Tevita Banuve said that importers would be given two weeks to clear their kava stock from the wharf. A special license would be granted only to clear the stock, he said. It would not be usable for importing more kava.
On 27 August, Tavola announced that following negotiations at the Melanesian Spearhead Group meeting in Papua New Guinea, he expected the Vanuatu government to lift the biscuit ban soon. If they did so, he said he would ask the Cabinet to lift the embargo against Vanuatu kava.
The [Fiji Village] news service reported on 11 October that Vanuatu's Trade Minister, James Bule, would visit Fiji on 25 October. The purpose of the visit would be to deliver his government's decision to lift the ban on Fijian biscuits, in return for Fiji lifting its ban on Vanuatu kava.
In return for Vanuatu's lifting of the biscuit ban on 25 October, the Fijian government announced on 7 December that it was lifting its kava ban for the sake of freer trade among the members of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG).
On 22 December 2005, Vanuatu's Finance Minister Willie Rarua formally apologized to Fiji's Acting Foreign Minister, Pita Nacuva, for having imposed the ban.
On a separate matter, PNG Trade and Industry Minister Paul Tiensten was quoted in Fiji Village on 21 February 2006 as saying that sanctions against Fiji were being considered, following a Fijian refusal of a PNG kava shipment and an earlier rejection of corned beef shipped from PNG.
Fiji Live reported on 23 February 2006 that Fiji's United Nations Ambassador Isikia Savua and his Brazilian counterpart Ronaldo Mota Sardenberg had recently signed a communiqué to establish diplomatic relations. Savua expressed the hope that Fiji's bio-fuels industry could benefit from Brazilian technology.
On 30 August 2005, Commonwealth Secretary-General Don McKinnon called on the Fijian government to ensure that the legislation reflected the views of its citizens. He emphasized, however, that the Commonwealth did not have a position on the bill.
On 1 September 2005, Prime Minister Qarase announced his intention to ask his Australian counterpart, John Howard, for more favourable market access for Pacific Island products. He called on Australia and New Zealand to revise the rules of origin under the SPARTECA trade agreement, and reduce the figure from 50 percent to 35 percent, thereby allowing Fiji to export a higher percentage of garments made elsewhere to Australian and New Zealand markets.
On 28 October 2005, Prime Minister Qarase criticized Australia and New Zealand for refusing to grant temporary work permits to Pacific Islanders. He said the two countries were acting unfairly in assuming that such permits would encourage illegal immigration. The Prime Minister claimed that in the absence of such work permits, Pacific Islanders visiting Australia and New Zealand often undertook illegal employment anyway.
From Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. Original article here. Support Wikipedia by contributing or donating. |