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Foreign relations of the People's Republic of China

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:This article is on the foreign relations of the People's Republic of China. For related meanings, see foreign relations of China.

The foreign relations of the People's Republic of China draws upon traditions extending back to China in the Qing dynasty and the Opium Wars, despite China having undergone some radicial upheavals over the past two centuries.

The goal of foreign policy within the People's Republic of China is to create a strong, powerful, and united China which is a great power within the world. Chinese foreign policy experts believe that in achieving this goal, they are not pursuing any hegemonic or war-like ambitions and are sometimes very perplexed that others may see China's motives in this way. Nevertheless, many actions taken by the Chinese government in its relations with other countries as well as its rapidly developing military capacities bely this perplexity.

In sharp contrast to the former Soviet Union and the United States, recent Chinese foreign policy has not been devoted to advancing any higher international ideological interests such as world communism and are generally cynical about the motives of nations, particularly the United States, who claim that they are motivated by higher goals such as spreading freedom and democracy. This cynicism often comes from Chinese actions in which ideology is secondary to advancing national interest. In this sense, Chinese foreign policy makers may be seen to adhere to the realist rather than the liberal school of international relations theory. While this cynicism strikes many as selfish, others have pointed out that the selfish nature of Chinese foreign policy has made Chinese foreign policy extremely flexible and also prevents China from involving itself in the affairs of other nations on ideological grounds. Still others point out that in an era of increasing scarcity such selfishness will breed international altercations.

In much of the 20th century, Chinese foreign policy was based on a sense of victimhood and a determination to fight back perceived humiliations. At the start of the 21st century, there appears to be a shift in Chinese foreign policy and calls from within China to abandon its victim mentality (受害者心态, shòuhaìzhě xīntaì) and recognized that with a generation of economic growth, that China has begun to fulfil its ambitions of becoming a great power and should adopt a great power mentality (大国心态, dàgúo xīntaì) to use its power responsibly and optimistically. These ideas form part of the new security concept which is China's vision for the post-Cold War in which nations interact economically and diplomatically for mutual benefit and avoid forming exclusive alliance blocs.

Institutions of Chinese foreign policy

Like most other nations, the formal foreign policy of the PRC is carried out by the Foreign Ministry of the People's Republic of China. However, the Foreign Ministry is in practice subordinate to the Foreign Affairs Leading Small Group of the Communist Party of China.

Unlike most other nations, much of Chinese foreign policy is formulated in thinktanks sponsored and supervised by, but formally outside of the government. One distinctive aspect of Sino-American relations is that much of the foreign policy discussion takes place between interlocutors who form the thinktanks. Because these discussions are unofficial, they are generally more free and less restricted than discussions between government officials.

China is also distinctive for having a separate body of Chinese strategic thought and theory of international relations which is distinct from Western theory.

History of Chinese foreign policy

Since its establishment, the People's Republic of China (PRC) has worked vigorously to win international support for its position that it is the sole legitimate government of all China, including Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan. Until the early 1970s, the Republic of China government in Taipei was recognized diplomatically by most world powers and the UN. After the Beijing government assumed the China seat in the United Nations in 1971 (and the ROC government was booted out) and became increasingly more significant as a global player, most nations switched diplomatic relations from the Republic of China to the People's Republic of China. Japan established diplomatic relations with the PRC in 1972, following the Joint Communique of the Government of Japan and the Government of the People's Republic of China, and the United States did so in 1972. The number of countries that have established diplomatic relations with Beijing has risen to 165, while 25 maintain diplomatic relations with the Republic of China (on Taiwan). (See also: Political status of Taiwan)

Both the PRC and ROC make it a prerequisite for diplomatic relations that a country does not recognize and conduct any official relations with the other party.

After its founding, the PRC's foreign policy initially focused on solidarity with the Soviet Union and other communist countries. In 1950, the PRC sent the People's Liberation Army into North Korea as "volunteers" to help North Korea halt the UN offensive that was approaching the Yalu River. After the conclusion of the Korean conflict, the PRC sought to balance its identification as a member of the Soviet bloc by establishing friendly relations with Pakistan and Third World countries, particularly in Southeast Asia. In 1962, the PRC had a brief war with India over a border dispute.

In the 1960s, Beijing competed with Moscow for political influence among communist parties and in the developing world generally. Following the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia and clashes in 1969 on the Sino-Soviet border, Chinese competition with the Soviet Union increasingly reflected concern over China's own strategic position.

In late 1978, the Chinese also became concerned over Vietnam's efforts to establish open control over Laos and Cambodia. In response to the Soviet-backed Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia, the PRC fought a brief border war with Vietnam (February-March 1979) with the stated purpose of "teaching Vietnam a lesson." The Chinese invasion of Vietnam was a failure militarily for the People's Republic.

Chinese anxiety about Soviet strategic advances was heightened following the Soviet Union's December 1979 invasion of Afghanistan. Sharp differences between the PRC and the Soviet Union persisted over Soviet support for Vietnam's continued occupation of Cambodia, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and Soviet troops along the Sino-Soviet border and in Mongolia--the so-called "three obstacles" to improved Sino-Soviet relations.

In the 1970s and 1980s the PRC sought to create a secure regional and global environment for itself and to foster good relations with countries that could aid its economic development. To this end, the PRC looked to the West for assistance with its modernization drive and for help in countering Soviet expansionism, which it characterized as the greatest threat to its national security and to world peace.

The PRC maintained its consistent opposition to "superpower hegemonism," focusing almost exclusively on the expansionist actions of the Soviet Union and Soviet proxies such as Vietnam and Cuba, but it also placed growing emphasis on a foreign policy independent of both the U.S. and the Soviet Union. While improving ties with the West, the PRC continued to follow closely economic and other positions of the Third World Non-Aligned Movement, although the PRC was not a formal member.

In the immediate aftermath of Tiananmen crackdown in June 1989, many countries reduced their diplomatic contacts with the PRC as well as their economic assistance programs. In response, the PRC worked vigorously to expand its relations with foreign countries, and by late 1990, had reestablished normal relations with almost all nations. Following collapse of the Soviet Union in late 1991, the PRC also opened diplomatic relations with the republics of the former Soviet Union.

See also: foreign relations of imperial China

Modern foreign policy

In recent years, communist Chinese leaders have been regular travelers to all parts of the globe, and the PRC has sought a higher profile in the UN through its permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council and other multilateral organizations. Closer to home, the PRC has made efforts to reduce tensions in Asia; it has contributed to stability on the Korean Peninsula, cultivated a more cooperative relationship with members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) (Brunei, Myanmar, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam), and participated in the ASEAN Regional Forum. In 1997, the ASEAN member nations and the People's Republic of China, South Korea and Japan agreed to hold yearly talks to further strengthen regional cooperation, the ASEAN Plus Three meetings. In 2005 the "ASEAN Plus Three" countries together with India, Australia and New Zealand held the inaugural East Asia Summit (EAS).

China has improved ties with Russia. President Putin and President Jiang, in large part to serve as a counterbalance to the United States, signed a Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation in July 2001.The two also joined with the Central Asian nations of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan to found the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) in June 2001. The SCO is designed to promote regional stability and cooperate to combat terrorism in the region.

Relations between India and China have also improved considerably. After years of competition, China and India are finally starting to collaborate in several economic and strategic areas. Both countries have doubled their economic trade in the past few years and China is expected to become India's largest trading partner by 2008. The two countries are planning to host joint naval exercises to strengthen defence partnership. In 2003, China and India settled a major border dispute through dialogue. China recognised Sikkim as a part of India while India recognised Tibet as an integral part of PRC. However, the dispute over Aksai Chin and Arunachal Pradesh and China's massive military aid to Pakistan, India's arch-rival, continues to plague Sino-India relations.

The PRC has a number of border and maritime disputes, including with Vietnam in the Gulf of Tonkin, with a number of countries in the South China Sea, as well as with Japan. Beijing has resolved many of these disputes, notably including a November 1997 agreement with Russia that resolved almost all outstanding border issues and a 2000 agreement with Vietnam to resolve some differences over their maritime border, though disagreements remain over islands in the South China Sea.

During the late 1990's and early 21st century, Chinese foreign policy appeared to be focused at improving relations with Russia and Europe in order to counterbalance the United States. This strategy was based on the premise that the United States was a declining power whose influence could be checked through alliances with second tier powers such as Russia or the European Union. This assessment of United States power was reconsidered after the United States intervention in Kosovo, and as the 20th century drew to a close, the discussion among thinktanks in China involved how to reorient Chinese foreign policy in a unipolar world. This discussion also occurred in the context of China's new security concept which argued that the post-Cold War required nations to move away from thinking in terms of alliances and power blocs and toward thinking in terms of economic and diplomatic cooperation.

The shift away from a balancing strategy could be seen in China's actions after the September 11, 2001 attacks, the United States invasion of Iraq, and the accession of Hu Jintao. Although there were some initial fears that American intervention in Afghanistan and Iraq would lead to an increase in American power and the encirclement of China, the actual consequence was a shift in focus by the United States to the Middle East, which resulted in a desire to avoid crises in East Asia. After the September 11, 2001 attacks, the blue team in the United States which argued that China was the largest security threat to the United States became much more muted.

China was instrumental at brokering talks with North Korea over its nuclear program, and in 2003, there was a concerted effort by China to improve relations with the ASEAN nations and form an East Asian common market. These foreign policy efforts have been part of a general foreign policy initiative known as China's peaceful rise.

Much of the new diplomatic activity appears to be the result of a change in China's self-image. With the accession of the fourth generation of Chinese leaders, China appears to be seeing itself less as a victimized developing nation, but rather more as an assertive but responsible great power.

In 2005, there has been talk of the European Union lifting its arms embargo [link], however the United States has objected to this.

Africa

Amid growing concerns about China’s burgeoning influence around the globe, Beijing has now set its sights on Africa. China’s inter­est in Africa is not new. In the 1960s and 1970s, Beijing’s interest centered on building ideological sol­idarity with other underdeveloped nations to advance Chinese-style communism and on repelling Western "imperialism". Following the Cold War, Chinese interests evolved into more pragmatic pursuits such as trade, investment, and energy The Heritage Foundation [China's Influence in Africa: Implications for the United States]. Sino-African trade quadrupled between 2000 and 2006. China is Africa's third largest commercial partner. after the US and France, and second largest exporter to Africa after France. It is notably ahead of ex-colonial power Britain in both categories.International Committee of the Fourth International [Western concern at China’s growing involvement in Africa] Some western nations' hesitance to become closely involved with countries they believe to be overly despotic, such as Sudan, have provided China a window of opportunity for economic cooperation.

Central Asia

As the Chinese economy booms, a major priority is securing natural resources to keep pace with demand. China and Kazakhstan have agreed to construct a regional pipeline, and in Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, China has invested in hydroelectric projects. In addition to bolstering trade ties, Beijing has contributed aid and funding to the region's countries. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, of which China is a founding member, is also becoming increasingly important in Central Asian security and politics. Many observers believe that beyond fostering neighborly relations, China is primarily concerned with securing its borders as it emerges as a world power YaleGlobal Online [Central Asia: China's Mounting Influence].

Middle East

China's fast economic growth also means that China is consuming ever more energy. China is now the second largest consumer of petroleum products in the world after the United States. China has recently been carrying out an aggressive foreign policy in trying to secure and diversify sources of its energy (oil and gas) supplies from around the world. The Middle Eastern region, which contains the world's largest proven oil reserve, has been the focus of that policy. Roughly half of China's imported oil comes from the Middle East. At the same time, these energy-producing Middle Eastern nations are keen to diversify their customer base away from overdependence on the Western market (Europe and North America) as a demand source and so they have begun to look at other rapidly growing markets such as China. In addition to the deepening bilateral relationship in the trade and energy sectors, China has an expanding body of other strategic interests in the greater Middle East region. This is manifested in its security relationships with Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and Iran, which entail WMD and ballistic missile cooperation. Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Pakistan are pivotal states in the region. They are increasingly likely to view China in coming years as an alternate source of security and as a counterbalance to American power The Washington Institute for Near East Policy [China and Oil: The Middle East Dimension] MERIA [China'S WMD Foot In The Greater Middle East's Door] Asia Times [China stakes its Middle East claim]

South Asia

China is steadily extending its reach into South Asia with its growing economic and strategic influence in the region. China's current trade volume with all South Asian nations reaches close to US$20 billion a year. Its bilateral trade with India alone accounts for US$13.6 billion a year, a number set to grow to US$25 billion in 2010 People's Daily [Boost all-weather partnership between China, Pakistan]. Except for New Delhi, Beijing runs trade surpluses with all other partners, including Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. But China makes up for these trade deficits with massive investment in the infrastructural development, socio-economic needs, and above all energy production of its trade partners. Fast on the heels of the U.S. offer of nuclear power plants to India, China has offered Pakistan and Bangladesh nuclear power plants of its own to meet their energy needs. Beijing also showers these nations with low-cost financial capital to help their struggling development sector. The largest beneficiaries of this economic aid are Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Nepal - in that order UCLA Asia Institute [China's March on South Asia].

Southeast Asia

China's geopolitical ambitions focus on Southeast Asia, where Beijing is intent upon establishing a preeminent sphere of influence. China has pursued this ambition with a very skilled diplomatic campaign designed to ultimately bind the region to China - politically, economically, and militarily USCC [China's Strategic Reach Into Southeast Asia].

Western Hemisphere

Recent years have seen Beijing's growing economic and political influence in South America and the Caribbean. During a visit to Brazil, Argentina, Chile, and Cuba in November 2004, Chinese President Hu Jintao announced US$100 billion worth of investment over the next decade The Heritage Foundation [China's Influence in the Western Hemisphere] CNSnews.com [China Moving to Replace US Influence in Latin America] Columbia Daily Tribune [Caribbean sees China acquire more influence]. For instance, Cuba is turning to Chinese companies rather than Western ones to modernize its crippled transportation system at a cost of more than US$1 billion, continuing a trend of favoring the fellow communist country that has made Beijing Cuba's second-largest trading partner after Venezuela in 2005 United Transportation Union [Cuba turns to China for transpo needs]. In addition, China is expanding its military-to-military contacts in the region. China is training increasing numbers of Latin American military personnel, taking advantage of a three-year old U.S. law that has led to a sharp decline in U.S.-run training programs for the region GlobalSecurity.org [China Increasing Military Ties in Latin America as Law Restricts US Military].

International territorial disputes

See also

References

International relations of the People's Republic of China

Geographical and geopolitical: Asia (East Asia)
International organizations: United Nations · UN Security Council (Permanent member) | Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation | ASEAN Plus Three | East Asian Summit | IAEA | IMF | ISO | Shanghai Cooperation Organization | UNESCO | WHO | World Trade Organization

 


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