Opentopia Directory Encyclopedia Tools

Lumbee

Encyclopedia : L : LU : LUM : Lumbee


The Lumbee Tribe of North Carolina is one of eight state recognized tribes of Native Americans in North Carolina. The Lumbee are also the largest tribal nation east of the Mississippi River, the ninth largest tribal nation, and the largest non-reservation, non-federally recognized tribe in the United States. The Lumbee take their name from the Lumbee, or Lumber River, which winds its way through Robeson County. Though they identify ethnically as Indians, according to documentary sources they are in origin a mixture of European Americans, African Americans, and Native Americans of indeterminate tribal affiliation.

The Lumbee were recognized by the State of North Carolina in 1885, and have been requesting benefits from the federal government since 1888. In 1956, the House of Representatives passed a bill, HR 4656, better known as the Lumbee Act, which recognized the Lumbee as a Native American tribe. The Lumbee Act was however limiting since, in terms of U.S.-Indian policy, the 1950s also marked an era of terminating treaty relationships with Native peoples. Not wishing to create the kind of relationship that it was seeking to terminate, the U.S. Congress denied the federal aid that comes with full status as a federally-recognized tribe.The Lumbee were not alone. Congress recognized ten tribes which, like the Lumbee, were ruled ineligible (according to the Associate Solicitor of Indian Affairs) to be judged for recognition under the BIA's federal acknowledgment process (i.e., by submission and consideration of a documented petition, known as the administrative process). Ironically, the Lumbee Act of 1956 proved the model for the 1968 Act which “recognized” the Tiwa Indians of Texas. Congress granted full recognition to the Tiwa in 1987. See James H. Merrell to Charlie Rose, 18 October 1989, in “U.S. Congress, House Committee on Natural Resources," Report Together with Dissenting Views to Accompany H.R. 334, 103rd Cong., 1st sess., 14 October 1993, H. Rpt. 290.

Demographics

The Lumbee comprise more than one-half the state of North Carolina's indigenous population of 84,000. With a population of 58,443, reflecting a 34.5% increase from the 1980 population of 43,465 members, the Lumbee reside primarily in Robeson, Hoke, Cumberland, and Scotland counties. In Robeson County alone, there are currently 46,869 Lumbee Indians out of a total county population of 123,339. The Lumbee make up 39%, or the majority of Robeson County's population.

Between 1980 and 2000, Robeson County experienced a population increase of 21.2%, compared with a 37% rate of growth for North Carolina overall. All of Robeson County's major populations have experienced growth, with the highest percentage by Hispanics, followed by the Native American population. Growth of the White population has been minimal-- only 1.7%, whereas the Native American, Hispanic, and Black populations of the county have increased by 33.2%, 398%, and 22.6% respectively.

Pembroke, North Carolina, the tribal seat of the Lumbee, has a total population of 2,399, 89% of which is Lumbee Indian.

-->
Comparatively, there are 4.3 million people estimated to be American Indian and Alaska Native, or American Indian and Alaska Native in combination with one or more other races who make up 1.5% of the total population of the United States. As of 2000, 3.1 million American Indians and/or Alaska Natives claimed membership in a specific tribe. American Indian tribal nations with more than 50,000 members are the Cherokee, Navajo, Choctaw, Blackfeet, Chippewa, Muscogee (Creek), Apache and Lumbee. The current Lumbee tribal enrollment reflects roughly 53,000 members, approximately 15% of which reside outside Lumbee settlements. To be on the membership roll, persons must not belong to any other American Indian tribe.U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000 Census of Population, Social and Economic Characteristics: North Carolina’’ (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 2002); and Thomas E. Ross, “The Lumbees: Population Growth of a Non-reservation Indian Tribe,” in Cultural Geography of North American Indians,'' eds. Thomas E. Ross and T.G. Moore (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1987) pp. 297-309.

Government

Pembroke, known formerly as "Scuffletown," is the economic, cultural and political center of the tribal nation. The Lumbee Tribe has a self-governance legal structure, which was adopted and ratified through a constitution in November 2001. The Lumbee Tribal Council is the designated representative of the tribe.

The Lumbee Tribe is governed by a council of 23 representatives elected in 18 districts, plus the Tribal Chair elected by the tribal membership, with staggered terms of three years. The tribe also has nine committees (Housing, Finance, Transition and Personnel, Constitution and Tribal Ordinances, Health and Human Services, Federal Recognition, Public Relations, Education and Economic Development). The Tribal Council board conducts monthly tribal meetings to inform and educate members about issues of importance to the tribe as a whole. The opinions and suggestions of tribal members are solicited during these meetings and are incorporated into the decision-making process.Julian Pierce, Cynthia Hunt-Locklear, Jack Campisi, and Wesley White, The Lumbee Petition, 3 vols. (Pembroke, NC: Lumbee River Legal Services, 1987). The tribe’s annual current budget is approximately $11 million.

Origins and Legends

The first recorded attempt to posit Lumbee origins was made in 1885, when Hamilton McMillan theorized that the Lumbees were the descendants of England's "Lost Colony" who intermarried with the Hatteras, an Algonquian people.See Hamilton McMillan, Sir Walter Raleigh's Lost Colony: An Historical Sketch of the Attempts of Sir Walter Raleigh to Establish a Colony in Virginia, with the Traditions of an Indian Tribe in North Carolina (Wilson, NC: Advance Press, 1888). Shortly after McMillan published his report, Stephen B. Weeks published "Raleigh's Settlement on Roanoke Island: An Historical Survival," Magazine of American History 25, no. 2 (February 1891): 127-139; and "The Lost Colony of Roanoke: Its Fate and Survival," Papers of the American Historical Association 5, no. 4 (1891) 107-146.

A little more than 50 years later, Lew Barton furthered McMillan and Weeks’ speculations with, The Most Ironic Story in American History (Charlotte, NC: Associated Printing Corporation, 1967). However, no extant evidence exists for "Lost Colony" origins, and of the many characteristically Lumbee names, few are shared with members of England's failed colony. While some modern day Lumbees continue to subscribe to this theory, the vast majority of Lumbees discredit the notion of "Lost Colony" origins. As a champion of rights for the Indians of Robeson County, McMillan very likely confused the oral traditions of some Lumbee families who spoke of migrating from the Roanoke and Neuse River basin during the mid-18th century where groups of Saponi (Siouan) and Tuscarora (Iroquoian) had settlements.

Some contemporary historians and anthropologists posit that these particular oral traditions belong to families whose ancestors were Yeopin, Potoskite, Nansemond, Saponi, and Tuscarora-- groups who had incurred devastating loss of life and land in the wake of the Tuscarora War-- who joined with migrating Cheraw families and other refugees on Drowning Creek.See Maynor, “Native American Identity," pp. 1-29; Wesley D. Taukchiray, "American Indian References in the South Carolina Gazette and Country Journal, Royal South Carolina Gazette, South Carolina Gazette and Public Advertiser, and State Gazette of South Carolina, 1766–1792," South Carolina Historical Magazine 100 (Oct. 1999), pp. 319–27; and Robert K. Thomas, "A Report on Research of Lumbee Origins." Unpublished manuscript (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Archives, 1976).

Although anthropologists such as Gerald Sider and Karen Blu take seriously the Lumbee claim of being Native American, historical documents tell a very different story. The original Lumbee ancestors were free people of color and whites. While some small degree of Indian ancestry is plausible and likely, there is very little evidence for it. In the first federal census of 1790, the ancestors of the Lumbee were enumerated as Free Persons of Color, as the U.S. Census did not have an "American Indian" category until 1870, and up until that time, census enumerators oftentimes categorized individuals themselves, thereby determining the race of a particular individual. However, in other documents, such as court records, the Lumbee ancestors had the opportunity to describe themselve, they used the word "colored" or "person of color", and never the word Indian. In Robeson County, Lumbee ancestors were only officially classified as Indian after Reconstruction in 1885.

Genealogists Paul Heinegg and Dr Virginia E. DeMarce have using an array of primary source documents been able to trace the migration of the primary Lumbee ancestral families from the Tidewater region in Virginia into present-day Robeson County, North Carolina. According to Heinegg and DeMarce, ancestral Lumbees were the descendants of mixed-race unions of African and Europeans in Virginia, who then migrated south into North Carolina along common routes of colonial expansion.Virginia DeMarce, "Looking at Legends—Lumbee and Melungeon: Applied Genealogy and the Origins of Tri-Racial Isolate Settlements," National Genealogical Society Quarterly 81 (March 1993): 24-45; and Paul Heinegg, Free African Americans of Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina: From the Colonial Period to about 1820 (Baltimore, MD: Clearfield, 2001).

Heinegg and DeMarce, building on the work of Brewton Berry and Edward Price, claim that the early eighteenth century ancestors of the Lumbee coalesced because of a firmly entrenched racial caste system in North Carolina that relegated the ancestors of the Lumbee to a status between that of whites and blacks.Brewton Berry, Almost White: A Study of Certain Racial Hybrids in the Eastern United States (New York, NY: MacMillan Company, 1963); and Edward Price, "A geographic analysis of white-Indian-Negro racial mixtures in the Eastern United States," Association of American Geographers (1953): 138-55; and "Mixed-blood populations of eastern United States as to origins, localization and persistence," Ph.D. dissertation (Berkeley: University of California, 1950).

DeMarce rightly uses the term "tri-racial isolate" in her 1993 discussion of the Lumbee, as they bear many similarities to such groups as the Melungeons of East Tennessee.

Eighteenth Century

With the dispersal of the Yamassee and Tuscarora, the nature of North Carolina government continued to remain chaotic throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Only infrequently could the colony agree on what its interests were.See Gallay, Indian Slave Trade, pp.78-81

In 1725, John Herbert, commissioner of Indian trade for the Wineau Factory on the Black River, attempted to chart a portion of what eventually became Robeson County. Herbert's map identified four Siouan-speaking communities along the Pee Dee River in South Carolina: the "Saraws," "Pedee," "Scavanos," and "Wacomas."

In 1754, a surveying party reported that Bladen County (which at that time contained what today is Robeson County) was "a frontier to the Indians." Bladen County abutted Anson County, which at that time extended west into Cherokee territory. The same report also claimed that no Indians lived in Bladen County. Land patents and deeds filed with the colonial administrations of Virginia, North and South Carolina during this chaotic period reveal that Lumbee ancestors were migrating into southern North Carolina along the typical routes of colinial migration, and obtaining land deeds in the same manner as any other migrants.

Lumbee historian Adolph Dial replicated Hamilton MacMillan's claim that Lumbee ancestor James Lowrie received sizeable land grants early in the century, and by 1738 possessed combined estates of more than two thousand acres (8 km²). McMillan also claimed that John Brooks established title to over one thousand acres (4 km²) in 1735, and Robert Lowrie gained possession of almost seven hundred acres (2.8 km²).Adolph L. Dial and David K. Eliades, The Only Land I Know: A History of the Lumbee Indians (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1996), pp. 28-29. However, no land grants were issued during these years in North Carolina. The first land grants to documented Lumbee ancestors would not occur until more than a decade later.

Ancestral Lumbees took titles to land described in relation to Drowning Creek, and prominent swamps such as Ashpole, Long, and Back Swamp. The Lumbee settlement with the longest continuous documentation from the mid-eighteenth century onward is Long Swamp, or present-day Prospect, North Carolina. Prospect is located within Pembroke and Smith townships. According to James Campisi, the anthropologist hired by the Lumbee tribe, this area "is located in the heart of the so-called old field of the Cheraw documented in land records between 1737 and 1739.".See “Testimony of Dr. Jack Campisi Before the U.S. Senate Committee on Indian Affairs," S. 420 (Washington, DC: September 17, 2003), or http://www.lumbeetribe.com/hearings/s420.htm. However, this appears to be pure speculation on Campisi's part, as he gives no documentary evidence that could prove his contention. Campisi further notes that the earliest census and county records document the presence of an extended Locklear family who functioned throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as community leaders, both by descent and marriage, and were among the leadership that petitioned Congress for federal recognition in 1888.“Testimony of Dr. Jack Campisi": http://www.lumbeetribe.com/hearings/s420.htm. Pension records for veterans of the American Revolution list a Samuel Bell, Jacob Locklear, John Brooks, Berry Hunt, Thomas Jacobs, Thomas Cummings, and Michael Revels. And in 1790, ancestral Lumbees such as Cumbo, "Revils" (Revels), Hammonds, Bullard, "Lockileer" (Locklear), Lowrie, Barnes, Hunt, "Chavers" (Chavis), Strickland, Wilkins, Oxendine, Brooks, Jacobs, Bell, and Brayboy are listed as inhabitants of the Fayetteville District, and enumerated as "Free Persons of Color" in the first federal census.U.S. Bureau of the Census, "Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States: Fayetteville District, North Carolina," The First Census of the U.S.: 1790 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1908); and Dial and Eliades, The Only Land I Know, p. 29.

The Long Nineteenth-Century

Conditions for Indians in Robeson County began to worsen dramatically by the second decade of the nineteenth century. Retention of lands continued to be an issue, but now, disenfranchisement served to threaten those land holdings that Robeson County's free people of color had managed to retain through the upheavals of the British colonial era, the American Revolution, and the establishment of the United States.See William McKee Evans, To Die Game: The Story of the Lowry Band: Indian Guerillas of Reconstruction (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1971, pp. 31-32; and Dial and Eliades, The Only Land I Know, pp. 43-45.

The Starving Times

The year 1835 proved to be critical for Lumbee ancestors in North Carolina. The state passed amendments to its original constitution ratified in 1776 that abolished suffrage for "free people of color." Free people of color were stripped of various political and civil rights that they had enjoyed for almost two generations -- and thus, could not vote, bear arms without a license, serve on juries, or serve in the state militia. Harassment of Robeson County Indians by some local whites intensified after the ratification of North Carolina's discriminatory state constitution.

Anthropologist Gerald Sider tells of "tied mule" incidents in which a white farmer had only to tie his mule to the post of a neighboring Indian's land or let his cattle graze on the Indian's land. The white farmer then filed a complaint for theft with the local authorities who promptly arrested the Native farmer. "Tied mule" incidents were resolved with the Indian agreeing to pay a fine, or in lieu of a fine, by giving up a portion of his land, or agreeing to a term of labor service with the "wronged" white farmer. However, Sider has never documented the occurence of such an incident. Robeson County land records show an appreciable loss of Indian title to land during this desperate time, but mostly due to failure to pay taxes and other more common reasons.See Evans, To Die Game; and Dial and Eliades, The Only Land I Know, p. 45; Adolph L. Dial, The Lumbee (Indians of North America book series) (New York, NY: Chelsea House Publications, 1993), p. 39

In 1853, the North Carolina Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of North Carolina's ban on firearms with the conviction of Noel Locklear in the State v. Locklear for the illegal possession of firearms.Evans, To Die Game, 1995, p. 108; and Dial and Eliades, The Only Land I Know, p.45; and Laurence M. Hauptman, “River Pilots and Swamp Guerillas: Pamunkey and Lumbee Unionists,” in Between Two Fires: American Indians in the Civil War (New York: Free Press, 1995), p. 77. But, in 1857, William Chavers, another Lumbee ancestor from Robeson County was arrested and charged as a "free person of color" with carrying a shotgun. Chavers, like Locklear, was convicted. Chavers promptly appealed, arguing that the law only restricted "free Negroes," not "persons of color." The appeals court reversed the lower court, finding that "free persons of color may be, then, for all we can see, persons colored by Indian blood, or persons descended from Negro ancestors beyond the fourth degree." Two years later, in another case involving a Lumbee ancestor from Robeson County, the North Carolina Court of Appeals held that forcing an individual to display himself before a jury was the same as forcing him to provide evidence against himself. Overall however, the ambivalent legal and political status of Robeson County's free people of color only increased in the years leading up to and during the Civil War.

Failed Neutrality During the Civil War

As the war progressed and the Confederacy began to experience increasing labor shortages, the Confederate South began to rely on conscription labor. A yellow fever epidemic in 1862-1863 had killed many slaves working on the construction of Fort Fisher near Wilmington, North Carolina-- then considered to be the "Gibralter of the South." Seeking to protect what they deemed to be their property, North Carolina's slave owners refused to send more enslaved African-Americans to the almost certain death that awaited them at Fort Fisher. In response, Robeson County initiated the forceful conscription of young men of color in Robeson County. As disenfranchised persons unable to vote or bear arms, they were easy prey. Deemed less valuable than chattel by North Carolina's slave-owning society, the ancestors of the Lumbees were forced to labor in the labor camps of a Confederacy. Some were shot for attempting to evade conscription, and others attempted to escape from work at Fort Fisher. Still others succumbed to starvation, disease and despair.Evans, To Die Game, p. 3; Dial and Eliades, The Only Land I Know, pp. 46-47; and Hauptman, “River Pilots and Swamp Guerillas,” pp.78-80.

Some Lumbee ancestors served in the Confederate army. Others tried to avoid coerced labor in the Confederate Army -- such as Henry Berry Lowrie-- by hiding in the swamps. Eventually, a measure of hope began to seep into the community as William Tecumseh Sherman's army made its way toward North Carolina. While hiding in the swamps, some Robesonians operated as guerillas for the Union, sabotaged the efforts of the Confederacy, and sought retribution against their Confederate neighbors.

The King of Scuffletown

George Alfred Townsend, the editor of a compilation of reports by New York Herald correspondents sent to Robeson County in 1871 entitled, The Swamp Outlaws, described Henry Berry Lowrie as "[o]ne of those remarkable executive spirits that arises now and then in a raw community without advantages other than those given by nature." In Bandits, Eric Hobsbawm defined "social bandits" such as Henry Berry Lowrie as "outlaws whom the lord and state regard as criminals, but who remain within . . . society, and are considered by their people as heroes, as champions, avengers, fighters for justice, perhaps even leaders of liberation, and in any case as men to be admired, helped and supported."

Henry Berry Lowrie organized a mixed-race outlaw group made up of two of his brothers, six cousins (two of whom were also his brothers-in-law), the brother-in-law of two of his cousins, in addition to a few others who were not related through kinship. The group committed two murders and were suspectd of a number of thefts and robberies. After a complicated series of accusations, counter-accusations, and incidents regarding thefts and conscription, Robeson County's Home Guard shot Henry Berry Lowrie's father and brother as the seventeen year-old youth watched from his hiding place.Evans, To Die Game, 3-18; and Dial and ELiades, The Only Land I Know, pp. 50-53. Shortly thereafter, Henry Berry Lowrie and his band stole a large stockpile of rifles intended for use by the local militia from the Lumberton courthouse and embarked on an eight-year period of revenge.

Lowrie's Band avenged the deaths of his father and brother by killing several of the men responsible, one of whom was the sheriff of the county. Adding to their notoriety, the band stole two safes (one of which belonged to the sheriff), plundered the plantation storage bins and smokehouses of local elites, and gave the spoils to the poor Robesonians who had suffered at the hands of local elites. In 1868, Lowrie and his band were outlawed and the reward for his capture climbed to $12,000-- second only to that offered for Jefferson Davis.Dial and Eliades, The Only Land I Know, p. 67. Robeson's elites and the governor of North Carolina were so desperate that they required the aid of Federal troops and federal detectives in the attempt to apprehend North Carolina's most famous outlaw. These efforts proved useless. Lowrie enjoyed wide support and he and members of his band were infrequently seen at public events. Reports of the Lowrie band's daring-do received national coverage; their exploits were featured in the New York Times and in Harper's Magazine. Lowrie's last-known feat occurred on February 16, 1872 when he and his band lifted $20,000 worth of goods from a Lumberton, North Carolina store. They also managed to take the store's safe which contained approximately $22,000 in cash.Evans, To Die Game, pp. 72-73; 105-106; 154-155; and Dial and Eliades, The Only Land I Know, p. 78.

Even so, the "Lowrie War" came at a terrible cost to the Robeson County community and to the Lowrie family.For further reading on the "Lowrie War," see Evans, To Die Game; Edward S. Magdol, "Against the Gentry: An Inquiry into a Southern Lower-Class Community and Culture, 1865-1870," Journal of Social History 6 (Spring 1973), pp. 259-83; Dial and Eliades, The Only Land I Know, pp. 43-88; and Sider, Lumbee Indian Histories, pp. 157-176. After eight long years, Henry Berry Lowrie either accidentally killed himself or was forced to leave the land of his ancestors. All the members of the Lowrie band, save one, suffered violent deaths. One cousin and member of the gang was publically executed by the state of North Carolina. Lowrie and his band stole from the rich and gave to the poor while waging war against the county's Home Guard. But Henry Berry Lowrie may have best summed up the stakes: "Robeson County is the only land I know. I can hardly read, and do not know where to go if I leave these woods and swamps, where I was raised."Dial and Eliades, The Only Land I Know, p. 78. For all that the Robeson County community had had to endure, the war that Lowrie gang waged against the white supremacist Conservatives in North Carolina had far-reaching consequences: the mulatto community developed a sense of itself as unique-- possessed with a unique identity and history-- while Henry Berry Lowrie became a culture hero who to this day represents those boundaries that mark the Lumbee as a self-determining Indian people.Evans, To Die Game, pp. 251-253.

Building a Nation

The end of the Lowrie War marked a period of political and economic growth for Lumbee ancestors in Robeson, Cumberland, Hoke, and Scotland counties. While Henry Berry Lowrie's guerilla band had carried out their opposition to Conservatism through violence, others, including Lowrie's own brothers, Patrick, Sinclair, and Calvin Lowrie, were equally asserting the independence of their community--but in different ways.

North Carolina established its public education system in 1868. The following year, the state legislature approved a measure that provided separate schools for whites and blacks. Some Lumbee ancestors complied with the legislation and sent their children to Freedman's Bureau schools. Many formerly free people of color refused to enroll their children in schools for freed slaves. In Robeson County, this racialized impasse came to a halt when, in 1885, North Carolina formally recognized the formerly freeo people of color in Robeson County as "Croatan Indians." With state recognition, the Croatan Indians were able to petition for a school system for the exclusive use of tribal members where tribal members could exercise control over enrollment. That same year, the North Carolina General Assembly approved legislation which authorized a public school system for Indians. Within the year, each Indian settlement in the county established a school "blood committee" that determined students' racial eligibility. Moreover, in 1887, tribal members petitioned the state legislature once again, this time requesting the establishment of a normal school to train Indian teachers for the county's tribal schools. North Carolina granted permission, and tribal members raised the requisite funds, along with some state assistance that proved woefully inadequate. Several tribal leaders donated money and privately-held land to the tribe on which to build their schools but for the next decade, the Indians of Robeson County were unable to make much headway. In 1899, the first bill was introduced in Congress to appropriate funds to educate the Indian children of Robeson County. Another bill was introduced a decade later, H.R.19036, 61st Cong., 2d Sess., and yet another in 1911, S.3258, 62nd Cong., 1st Sess. In 1913, the House of Representatives Committee on Indian Affairs held a hearing on S.3258 where the Senate sponsor of the bill reviewed the history of the Lumbee and concluded that they had "maintained their race integrity and their tribal characteristics."Sequentially, the series of bills are H.R.4009, 56th Cong., 1st Sess. (1888), H.R. 19036, 61st Cong., 2d Sess. (1910), and S. 3258, 62nd Cong., 1st Sess. (1911). In 1913, the House of Representatives Committee on Indian Affairs held a hearing on S. 3258. The four bills are cited in "Testimony Before the Committee on Resources United States House of Representatives," in Legislative Hearing on H.R.898, "To provide for the recognition of the Lumbee Tribe of North Carolina, and for other purposes," April 1, 2004: http://resourcescommittee.house.gov/archives/108/testimony/2004/arlindalocklear.pdf.

Robeson County 's Indian Normal School eventually evolved into Pembroke State University and later still, the University of North Carolina at Pembroke. By century's end, the Indians of Robeson County established schools in eleven of their principle Indian settlements.Thomas Ross, American Indians in North Carolina (Southern Pines: Karo Hollow Press, 1999), pp. 115-116; 124-125.

Seeds of the Recognition Issue

When the Croatan Indians petitioned Congress for educational assistance, their request was sent to the House Committee on Indian Affairs. It took two years for the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, T.J. Morgan, to respond to the Croatan Indians of Robeson County, telling them that, "so long as the immediate wards of the Government are so insufficiently provided for, I do not see how I can consistently render any assistance to the Croatans or any other civilized tribes." The government's rejection of assistance to the ancestors of the Lumbee was based solely on economic considerations. For Commissioner T.J. Morgan, services would have been readily extended to "civilized" tribes like the Croatan were it not for the Commission's unhappy insufficiency of funds.

By the first decade of the twentieth century, congressional legislation was introduced to change the Croatan name and to establish "a school for the Indians of Robeson County, North Carolina." Charles F. Pierce, Supervisor of Indian Schools, investigated the tribe's congressional petition, reporting favorably that "a large majority [were] at least three-fourths Indian" as well as law abiding, industrious, and "crazy on the subject of education." Pierce also believed that federal educational assistance would be beneficial, but opposed any such legislation since, in his words, "[a]t the present time it is the avowed policy of the government to require states having an Indian population to assume the burden and responsibility for their education, so far as is possible."Pierce is cited in Legislative Hearing on H.R.898: http://resourcescommittee.house.gov/archives/108/testimony/2004/arlindalocklear.pdf. A later committee report undertaken in 1932 explicitly acknowledged that the federal bill of 1913 was intended to extend federal recognition on the same terms as the amended state law. Moreover, while the bill passed the Senate, but not the House, the chairman of the House committee also abrogated any assumption of direct educational responsibility to the Indians of Robeson County by the federal government since he felt that they were already eligible to attend Indian boarding schools; that the federal government was already meeting its responsibility to the Indians of Robeson County through Indian boarding schools such as Carlisle Indian Industrial School.See Rep. No. 826, House of Representatives, 68th Cong., 1st Sess.; also S.4595, 72d Cong., 1st Sess., a 1932 bill which referred to the 1913 state statute as its antecedent. See Legislative Hearing on H.R.898: http://resourcescommittee.house.gov/archives/108/testimony/2004/arlindalocklear.pdf.

The next year, Special Indian Agent, O.M. McPherson, who investigated the tribe under the auspices of the U.S. Senate found that the Indians of Robeson County had already developed an extensive system of schools and a complex political organization to represent their interests. While he, like Pierce before him, noted that Robeson's Indians were eligible to attend federal Indian schools, he also doubted that these schools could meet their needs. Despite McPherson's recommendations, Congress decided not to act on the matter.O.M. McPherson, “Report on Condition and Tribal Rights of the Indians of Robeson and Adjoining Counties of North Carolina,” 63rd Cong., 3rd sess., 5 January 1915. S. Doc. 677.

The Indian New Deal

With passage of the Indian Reorganization Act in 1934, the Indians of Robeson County redoubled their interrelated efforts at access to better education and federal recognition. The Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) sent the eminent anthropologist from the Bureau of American Ethnology, John R. Swanton, and Indian Agent Fred Baker to determine the origins and authenticity of the Indians of Robeson County. Both Swanton and Baker determined that Robeson's Indians were of Cheraw and other eastern Siouan tribal descent and constituted an Indian tribe. In total, the Bureau of Indian Affairs conducted four separate studies-- all of which concluded that the Indians of Robeson County were descendants of Southeastern Native peoples who constituted a continuous tribal entity. However, the BIA would not support federal recognition given the large size of the tribe and the costs that the federal government would incur while having to grapple with the economic costs of a national depression.See Carl C. Seltzer, "A Report on the Racial Status of Certain People in Robeson County, North Carolina." 30 June 1936. [NARA. RG 75, Entry 616, Box 13-15, North Carolina] and Maynor, “Native American Identity," pp. 95-124.

The Lumbee Act

Despite exceptional and politically astute efforts to establish federal status and receive services as an Indian tribe, these same efforts unfortunately coincided with federal Indian policy shifts away from the federal-Indian trust relationship-- the Indian General Allotment Act in 1887; the Citizenship Act of 1924, and lastly, the termination policy of the 1950s.

The "Lumbee Act," or HR 4656, which recognized the Lumbee as a tribe of Native Americans was passed by the U.S. Senate on May 21, 1956, by the House on May 24, 1956, and signed by President Dwight David Eisenhower on June 7, 1956. With ratification of the Lumbee Act, congress designated the Indians of Robeson, Hoke, Scotland, and Cumberland counties as the "Lumbee Indians of North Carolina." In as much as HR 4656 recognized the Lumbee as Indians, the Lumbee Act was ratified during an era of federal termination policies and hostile legislation which proved equally devastating to other Native American nations as well. Thus, HR 4656 also stipulated that "[n]othing in this Act shall make such Indians eligible for any services performed by the United States for Indians because of their status as Indians." Despite the Lumbee Act's failure to gain federal services for the Lumbee, the Act served as the model for the 1968 Act which “recognized” the Tiwa Indians of Texas. With the failure of the federal government's termination policies, Congress granted full recognition to the Tiwa in 1987.“Testimony of Dr. Jack Campisi," S. 420, or http://www.lumbeetribe.com/hearings/s420.htm.

Klan Conflict

Shortly after the Lumbee Act was passed, the Ku Klux Klan sought to wage a campaign of terror throughout the American South. The Klan primarily targeted African-Americans, but in 1957, Klan Wizard James W. "Catfish" Cole of South Carolina began a campaign of harassment against the Lumbee whom he felt had overstepped their place in the segregated Jim Crow South. Declaring the Lumbee to be "mongrels," a group of Klansmen burned a cross on the lawn of a Lumbee woman in the town of St. Pauls, North Carolina. The Klan issued their tell-tale "warning" because the woman was dating a white man. For two weeks, the Ku Klux Klan continued to attack the Lumbee community by burning crosses while Cole planned a massive Klan rally to be held on January 18, 1958, near the small town of Maxton, North Carolina. Cole predicted that 5,000 rallying Klansmen would remind the Lumbee of "their place." However, Cole's rhetorical attacks against the Lumbee and now, the plan to hold a Klan rally within the Lumbee homeland finally provoked enough anger in the Lumbee that they decided to meet the Klan.

Known today in Robeson County as the "Battle of Hayes Pond," or "the Klan Rout," the rally wherein 50 Klansmen (not the planned 5,000) were forced to flee the tribal homeland of 500 armed Lumbees made national news. Before Cole had a chance to begin the Klan rally, the Lumbee suddenly appeared, fanned out across the highway, encircled the Klansmen, and opened fire. Four Klansmen were wounded in the first volley--none seriously-- while the remaining Klansmen panicked and fled. James W. "Catfish" Cole reportedly escaped through a nearby swamp, but was later apprehended, charged, and convicted for inciting to riot for which he served a sentence of two-years.For a comprehensive bibliography of citations specific to this series of events, see Glenn Ellen Starr, "Category: 35. The Ku Klux Klan routing of 1958," The Lumbee Indians: An Annotated Bibliography Supplement: http://linux.library.appstate.edu/lumbee/35/index.html. See cited primary source material as well.

Notes

Historical timeline of the Lumbee

1700s

1725 John Herbert, Commissioner of Indian Trade for the Wineau Factory publishes a map in 1725 and identifies enclaves of Cheraw, Pee Dee, Waccamaw, and Scavano Indians who continue to live on their traditional lands along the Pee Dee River at what is now the border of North Carolina and South Carolina, and near its tributary Drowning Creek in Robeson County, North Carolina.

1726-1739 The Cheraw disappear from the historical record. While some historians believe that they are absorbed by the Catawba, others contend that they amalgamate with other remnant Southeastern Siouan Piedmont groups in the largely uncharted region of present-day Robeson, Scotland, Moore, Hoke, and Cumberland counties. To the south, with the acceleration of the slave trade and decline of the deerskin trade, the influence of the powerful Catawba confederacy begins to wane. By the end of the 19th century, the Catawba will have been reduced to inhabiting a one square-mile reservation in South Carolina.

1753 
North Carolina Governor Matthew Rowan proclaims Drowning Creek (now Lumbee, or Lumber River) a "frontier to the Indians", and  states that there are "no Indians in the county."

1754 A surveying party representing the interests of South Carolina land speculators lists a "mix'd crew" of some fifty families living on Drowning Creek without official patent to the land. A surveyor is shot on the Kersey farmstead in Bladen Creek, North Carolina.

1775-1783 
John Brooks, an ancestral Lumbee, serves in Revolutionary War.
1790 
United States Census lists common Lumbee surnames, including Locklear, Oxendine, Chavis, Jacobs, Lowery, Hammonds, Brooks, Brayboy, Cumbo, Revels, Carter, Dial, Deese, and Kersey, without racial designation as "All other free persons."  Indians were not enumerated in North Carolina in the census.

1800s

1812 Thomas "Big Tom" Locklear and Silas Strickland, two Lumbee ancestors, fight during War of 1812.
1835 
Against the backdrop of Indian Removal, North Carolina disenfranchises "Free People of Color" by passing laws that prevent them from voting as well as owning and using firearms.  However, the Lumbees are so mixed-race that they are not removed to Oklahoma with the Native American tribes of North Carolina.

1835-1852 Court dockets for Robeson County are replete with suits filed by Robeson County Indians who contest the ban on owning and using firearms.

1853 The North Carolina Supreme Court upholds the constitutionality of North Carolina's ban on firearms with the conviction of Noel Locklear in the State v. Locklear for the illegal possession of firearms.

1861-1865 Well into the Civil War, North Carolina begins to forcibly conscript young Indian men from Robeson County through the auspices of the Robeson County's Home Guard. After the murder of his father and brother, Henry Berry Lowrie organizes a gang to fight the Confederate Home Guard.

1863-1872 
The reprisals of Henry Berry Lowrie and his band of banditti against those elites Lowrie War in Robeson County, North Carolina. The Lowrie gang, led by Henry Berry Lowrie, later popularized as the "Injun Robin Hood," engages in many robberies and retaliatory murders, fighting against both the Confederate Home Guard and the Ku Klux Klan.
1885 
The North Carolina General Assembly recognizes the Indians of Robeson County as "Croatan," and establishes a separate school system for the Indians.  The theory of Lost Colony origins is first advanced by the Conservative Democrat, Hamilton McMillan, who represents Robeson County in the state legislature. McMillan's effort to curry favor with the Indians of Robeson County was part of a larger scheme to acrue gains for Democrats in Robeson County and regain political control in Post-Reconstruction North Carolina.  
1887 
The Indians of Robeson County build the Croatan Indian Normal School (now The University of North Carolina at Pembroke) with oversight from the state. 
1890 
The North Carolina Supreme Court rules that Indian school committees have ultimate authority as to whether children are Indians and therefore eligible for tribal schools. The Croatan school board sets up "blood committees" to determine a child's right to attend the school based on his or her blood purity.

1900s

1911 The North Carolina General Assembly changes the name of the tribe to "Indians of Robeson County."
1913 
North Carolina legislature changes the tribe's name to the "Cherokee Indians of Robeson County." 
1914 
Indian Agent O. M. McPherson speculates that the Lumbee descend from the Cheraw. 
1924 
The Lumbee Tribe unsuccessfully petitions the Federal Government for recognition as "Siouan Indians." 
1933 
A Smithsonian Institution anthropologist, John R. Swanton, studies the tribe, and speculates that Lumbee are of Cheraw Indian origin. 
1934 
Tribal leaders, calling themselves The "Cherokee Indians of Robeson County" join the National Congress of American Indians. 
1941-1945 
Lumbees serve in World War II. 
1952 
Dropping "Cherokee," the tribe votes to adopt the name "Lumbee" after the Lumbee, or Lumber River. 
1953 
North Carolina changes name of tribe from "Cherokee" to "Lumbee." 

1956 The U.S. Congress [recognizes name change] and recognizes the Lumbee as American Indians. Specific language in the Lumbee Act, however, denies the tribe the customary Indian financial benefits.

1958 Over five hundred armed Lumbees rout a group of protesting Ku Klux Klan members led by Wizard James W. "Catfish" Cole in a confrontation near Maxton, North Carolina. The incident receives national attention. One headline read, "Indians Rout The Klan." The event is remembered as the "Battle of Hayes Pond" and ends Klan intimidation of the Lumbee.

1971 The first Indian-owned bank in United States, the Lumbee Bank, is established in Pembroke, North Carolina.

1973 Henry Ward Oxendine, a Lumbee Indian, is the first Indian born in North Carolina to serve in the North Carolina House of Representatives.

1976 
The outdoor drama [Strike at the Wind], the story of Henry Berry Lowrie, opens in Pembroke, North Carolina.
1987 
The Lumbee Tribe petitions the United States Department of the Interior for federal acknowledgment. Their petition is denied due to language in the Lumbee Act of 1956.
The University of North Carolina at Pembroke celebrates 100th anniversary. 

1994 Glen Maynor is elected sheriff of Robeson County, and Joanne Locklear is elected Clerk of Court for Robeson County, the first Lumbees to hold these positions. In Georgia, Lumbee John Oxendine is elected statewide as Commmissioner of Insurance.

2000s

2001 A Lumbee Tribal Government is elected and sworn into office as the Lumbee resume their campaign to achieve full federal recogntion as an Indian tribe.
2003 
Bills are introduced in the House of Representatives (H.R. 898) and the Senate (S.420) to extend full federal recognition to the Lumbee Tribe.
Lumbee Tribal Council elecions are held.
2004 
A new Lumbee Tribal Government is sworn in.

Famous Lumbees

Chris Chavis is a professional wrestler better known as "Tatanka" and "The War Eagle," and currently performs in World Wrestling Entertainment (WWE).

Delano Cummings is the author of Moon Dash Warrior: The Story of an American Indian in Vietnam, a Marine from the Land of the Lumbee (Livermore, Me.: Signal Tree Pub., 1998). His memoir is a poignant account of his tours of duty as a Marine in Vietnam.

Adolph L. Dial was a historian and advocate for American Indian rights who spent 30 years as a professor of American History and American Indian Studies at Pembroke State University, North Carolina, and served as a North Carolina state senator and spokesperson for full federal recognition of the Lumbee. Dial is the author of The Only Land I Know: A History of the Lumbee Indians and The Lumbee. Toward the end of his life, Dr. Dial was the recipient of the Henry Berry Lowry Award, the highest honor bestowed by the Lumbee community.

Arlinda Locklear is a veteran of Federal Indian law, having practiced in the field for twenty-five years. Locklear has represented tribes across the U.S. in federal and state courts on treaty claims to water and land, taxation disputes, reservation boundary issues and federal recognition of tribes. In the course of her career, she became the first Native American woman to argue a case, Solem v. Bartlett, to the Supreme Court. She successfully challenged the state of South Dakota's authority to prosecute a member of the Cheyenne River Sioux Tribe for on-reservation conduct, and as a lawyer for the Native American Rights Fund, Locklear supervised significant litigation of Native American issues, as well as the legislative work of the office. In 1985, Locklear appeared as lead counsel in the Supreme Court again when she represented the Oneida Indian Nation in Oneida Indian Nation v. County of Oneida. In that case, she formulated and argued the theory that tribes have a federal common law right to sue for possession of tribal land taken in violation of federal law. The Supreme Court adopted the argument, and the case became the seminal case in aboriginal land claims litigation, upon which all subsequent claims have been based.

Heather Locklear is purportedly of Lumbee descent, and has appeared in the TV series, Dynasty, T.J. Hooker, Melrose Place, and Spin City. Locklear has family in, and occasionally visits Robeson County, North Carolina.

Sean Locklear is a professional football player with the Seattle Seahawks of the National Football League. Was the starting right tackle on the 2005-2006 Seahawks Super Bowl team. Is still currently listed on Depth Chart as starter at right tackle (6/1/05-NFL).

James Lowery (a.k.a. Anybody Killa) was raised in Detroit, Michigan and is one of the few rappers to have a lisp. Many fans say his speech impediment is an important part of his art. Lowery is noted for having Native American themes on his albums, including his hits Mud Face and Hatchet Warrior.

Malinda Maynor Lowery received her A.B. in History and Literature from Harvard University in 1995, an M.A. in Documentary Film and Video Production at Stanford University in 1997, and a PhD in History from the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill in 2005. In 2001, she co-produced the documentary, In the Light of Reverence, a film featuring three tribal nations, the Hopi, the Winnemem Wintu, and the Lakota Sioux, and their struggles to protect three sacred sites, Devil's Tower National Monument, the Four Corners in Arizona, and Mount Shasta. All three sacred sites are places of extraordinary beauty as well as impassioned controversy as Natives and non-Natives struggle to co-exist with very different ideas about how the land should be used. In 2006, Lowery became the first American Indian tenure-track professor at Harvard University, and is currently finishing a book about Lumbee identity and federal recognition in the first half of the twentieth century.

Henry Berry Lowrie was the Robeson County American Indian hero of the "Lowrie Wars" that took place during the Reconstruction era of the 1860s and 1870s. Lowrie and his guerilla band appropriated white Revolutionary doctrine to gain rights and freedoms that were being denied to American Indians in Robeson County, North Carolina. Indian perceptions of Reconstruction violence solidified the racial boundaries that had begun to take shape and harden during the Civil War era. The Lowrie gang received considerable support from the American Indian community. Critically, Lowrie and his guerilla band were popular among poor blacks and whites as well, since they believed that he best represented their interests to the elites of a racialized Southern society. Most importantly, the activities of the Lowrie gang radicalized the American Indian community. The post-Reconstruction rearticulation of a separate territory bounded by a web of wetlands that define Robeson County, along with an elaborate network of kinship ties was instrumental in the revitalized expression of Indian community. In an attempt to capture the elusive Lowrie gang, white incursions into Indian territory further highlighted the existence of a territorial and cultural borderland. Lowrie became a culture hero, representing those cultural and political boundaries that marked the Indians of Robeson County as a community of self-determining American Indian people. Henry Berry Lowrie is the protagonist of the outdoor Lumbee drama ["Strike at the Wind"].

Charly Lowry appeared as a contestant on the TV series "American Idol" in 2004.

John Oxendine is the Commmissioner of Insurance for the State of Georgia and one of the most popular Republican politicians in the state. Oxendine is of Lumbee descent through his father.

Jana (born Jana Sampson) brings a fresh outlook and exotic style to today’s pop music scene. In 2002, Jana won a Nammy (Native American Music Award) for Best Single for her remix of "Stairway To Heaven", and a Nammy for 2001 Best Pop Artist. In 2000, she was nominated for two Nammy awards and starred in the film Dream Weaver.

Kelvin Sampson is the former head coach of the University of Oklahoma and now the new head coach of the Indiana University men's basketball team. Sampson was born in the Lumbee community of Deep Branch, and attended Pembroke High School, Pembroke, North Carolina, and Pembroke State University before guiding the Sooners to an appearance in the Final Four of the men's NCAA basketball tournament in 2002.

Helen Maynor Scheirbeck was appointed by Congress to the (NMAI) Board of Directors, and continues to serve as NMAI’s Assistant Director of Public Programs. Scheirbeck received her B.A. in 1957 from Berea College (Kentucky) and her Ed. D in 1980 from Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. Scheirbeck is the Human Resources Administrator for Save the Children Federation of the American Indian Programs, and has served as Chairwoman of the Indian Education Task Force, American Indian Policy Review Commission, U. S. Congress, as well as Director of the Office of Indian Affairs, U.S. Office of Education, Dept. of HEW, and as professional staff for the U.S. Senate Subcommittee on Constitutional Rights.

David E. Wilkins is Associate Professor of American Indian Studies, Political Science, and Law at the University of Minnesota, Twin Cities. Wilkins received his PhD in Political Science from the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill in 1990. His publications focus particularly on Federal Indian law, tribal government, and tribal sovereignty. Wilkins is the author of The Navajo Political Experience (2003); American Indian Politics and the American Political System (2002); Uneven Ground: American Indian Sovereignty and Federal Law, co-authored with Tsianina Lomawaima (2001); Tribes, Treaties, and Constitutional Tribulations, co-authored with Vine Deloria, Jr. (1999); American Indian Sovereignty and the U.S. Supreme Court: The Masking of Justice (1997); and Dine' Bibeehaz'aanii: A Handbook of Navajo Government (1987).

Robert A. Williams Jr. is Professor of Law and American Indian Studies at the University of Arizona. Williams was named the first Oneida Indian Nation Visiting Professor of Law at Harvard Law School (2003-2004), having previously served as the Bennet Boskey Distinguished Visiting Lecturer of Law at Harvard. He is the author of The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest, Linking Arms Together: American Indian Treaty Visions of Law and Peace, 1600-1800, and is co-author of Federal Indian Law: Cases and Materials. Williams has written numerous articles on Indian Law and indigenous peoples' rights, as well as several books, and is the director of the Tribal Law and Policy Program at the University of Arizona. Williams has represented tribal groups before the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, and the United Nations Working Group on Indigenous Peoples, and served as co-counsel for Floyd Hicks in the United States Supreme Court case, Nevada v. Hicks (2001 term). Williams presently serves as Chief Justice of the Yavapai-Prescott Apache Tribe Court of Appeals and as Chief Justice for the Court of Appeals, Pascua Yaqui Indian Reservation. Williams also serves as judge pro tempore for the Tohono O'odham Nation.

References

Primary Sources

Recognition

  • Baker, Fred A. Report on Siouan Tribe of Indians in Robeson County, North Carolina. [National Archives and Records Administration RG 75. Entry 121. File no. 36208-1935-310 General Services].
  • “Testimony of Dr. Jack Campisi Before the U.S. Senate Committee on Indian Affairs on S. 420,” September 17, 2003. Washington, DC: http://www.lumbeetribe.com/hearings/s420.htm.
  • McPherson, O.M. Report on Condition and Tribal Rights of the Indians of Robeson and Adjoining Counties of North Carolina. 63rd Cong., 3rd sess., 5 January 1915. S. Doc. 677.
  • Merrell, James H. to Charlie Rose, 18 October 1989, in “U.S. Congress, House Committee on Natural Resources,” ‘’Report Together with Dissenting Views to Accompany H.R. 334, 103rd Cong., 1st Sess., 14 October 1993, H. Rpt. 290.
  • Pierce, Julian, J. Hunt-Locklear, Jack Campisi, and Wesley White, ‘’The Lumbee Petition’’, (Pembroke, NC: Lumbee River Legal Services, 1987).
  • Seltzer, Carl C. "A Report on the Racial Status of Certain People in Robeson County, North Carolina." 30 June 1936. [NARA. RG 75, Entry 616, Box 13-15, North Carolina].
  • Swanton, John R. "Probable Identity of the 'Croatan' Indians." [National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. MS 4126].

Conflict with Klan

  • "Bad medicine for the Klan: North Carolina Indians break up Kluxers’ anti-Indian meeting." Life 44 (27 Jan. 1958): 26-28.
  • "Cole Says His Rights Violated." Greensboro Daily News, 20 Jan. 1958: A1.
  • Craven, Charles. "The Robeson County Indian Uprising Against the KKK," The South Atlantic Quarterly LVII (1958): 433-442.
  • "Lumbee Indians put Klansmen to rout in ‘uprising’." The Amerindian [American Indian Review] 6.3 (Jan.-Feb. 1958): [1]-2.
  • "The Lumbees Ride Again." Greensboro Daily News, 20 Jan. 1958: 4A.
  • Morrison, Julian. "Sheriff Seeks Klan Leader's Indictment: Cole Accused of Inciting Riot Involving Indians and Ku Klux." Greensboro Daily News, 20 Jan. 1958: A1-3.
  • "‘The Law’ Treads Lightly to Avert Maxton Violence." Robesonian, 20 Jan. 1958: 1.
  • Ryan, Ethel. "Indians who crushed rally were mature tribesmen." Greensboro Record, 21 Jan. 1958: A1.

Misc.

  • McMillan, Hamilton. Sir Walter Raleigh's Lost Colony: An Historical Sketch of the Attempts of Sir Walter Raleigh to Establish a Colony in Virginia, with the Traditions of an Indian Tribe in North Carolina. Indicating the Fate of the Colony of Englishmen Left on Roanoke Island in 1587. Wilson, NC: Advance Press, 1888.
  • Thomas, Robert K. "A Report on Research of Lumbee Origins." Unpublished manuscript. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Archives, 1976.
  • U.S. Bureau of the Census. The First Census of the U.S.: 1790. Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States: North Carolina. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1908.
  • U.S. Bureau of the Census. We the People: http://www.census.gov/main/www/cen2000.html
  • U.S. Congress, Senate. Recognition as Siouan Indians of Lumber River of certain Indians in North Carolina. 73rd Cong., 2d sess., 23 January 1934. S.Rpt. 204.
  • ______. Relating to Lumbee Indians of North Carolina. 84th Cong., 2nd sess., 16 May 1956. S. Rpt. 2012.
  • U.S. Bureau of the Census, ‘’2000 Census of Population, Social and Economic Characteristics: North Carolina’’ (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 2002).

Secondary Sources

  • Anderson, Benedict . Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso; Revised edition, 1991.
  • Anderson, Ryan K. "Lumbee Kinship, Community, and the Success of the Red Banks Mutual Association," American Indian Quarterly 23 (Spring, 1999): 39-58.
  • Barth, Fredrik, ed. Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference. London: George Allen & Unwin, 1969.
  • Beaulieu, David L. "Curly Hair and Big Feet: Physical Anthropology and the Implementation of Land Allotment on the White Earth Chippewa Reservation." American Indian Quarterly 7: 281-313.
  • Berry, Brewton. Almost White: A Study of Certain Racial Hybrids in the Eastern United States. New York, NY: MacMillan Company, 1963.
  • Blu, Karen I. "'Reading Back' to Find Community: Lumbee Ethnohistory." In North American Indian Anthropology: Essays on Society and Culture, ed. by Raymond DeMallie and Alfonso Ortiz. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1993. 278-95.
  • ______. The Lumbee Problem: The Making of an American Indian People. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980.
  • ______. '"Where Do You Stay At?" Home Place and Community Among the Lumbee." In Senses of Place, ed. by Steven Feld and Keith Basso. Santa Fe: School of American Research Press, 1996. 197-227.
  • Boyce, Douglas W. "Iroquoian Tribes of the Virginia-North Carolina Coastal Plain," in Handbook of North American Indians, ed. William C. Sturtevant, vol. 15. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1978. 282-89.
  • Brownwell, Margo S. "Note: Who Is An Indian? Searching For An Answer To the Question at the Core of Federal Indian Law." University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform 34 (Fall-Winter 2001-2002): 275-320.
  • Davis, Dave D. "A Case of Identity: Ethnogenesis of the New Houma Indians," Ethnohistory 48 (Summer 2001): 473-94.
  • DeMarce, Virginia E. "Looking at Legends - Lumbee and Melungeon: Applied Genealogy and the Origins of Tri-Racial Isolate Settlements." National Genealogical Society Quarterly 81 (March 1993): 24-45.
  • ______. "Verry Slitly Mixt': Tri-racial Isolate Families of the Upper South- A Genealogical Study," National Genealogical Society Quarterly 80 (March 1992): 5-35.
  • Dial, Adolph L. ‘’The Lumbee (Indians of North America book series).’’ New York, NY: Chelsea House Publications, 1993.
  • Dial, Adolph L. and David K. Eliades. The Only Land I Know: A History of the Lumbee Indians. San Francisco, CA: Indian Historian Press, 1975.
  • Dominguez, Virginia. White By Definition: Social Classification in Creole Louisiana. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1986.
  • Evans, William McKee. To Die Game: The Story of the Lowry Band: Indian Guerillas of Reconstruction. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1971.
  • Feest, Christian F. "North Carolina Algonquians," in Handbook of North American Indians, ed. William C. Sturtevant, vol. 15. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Insititution, 1978: 277-78,.
  • Forbes, Jack D. Africans and Native Americans: The Language of Race and the Evolution of Red-Black Peoples. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993.
  • Galloway, Patricia K. Choctaw Genesis, 1500-1700. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995.
  • Garoutte, Eva M. Real Indian: Identity and the Survival of Native America. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003.
  • Hauptman, Lawrence M. "River Pilots and Swamp Guerillas: Pamunkee and Lumbee Unionists." In Between Two Fires: American Indians in the Civil War. New York: Free Press, 1995.
  • Heinegg, Paul. Free African Americans oF Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina: From the Colonial Period to about 1820. Baltimore, MD: Clearfield, 2001. Available in its entirety at: [freeafricanamericans.com]
  • Hobsbawm, Eric. Bandits. New York: Delacorte Press, 1969.
  • Hudson, Charles M. The Southeastern Indians. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1976.
  • Maynor, Malinda, “Native American Identity in the Segregated South: The Indians of Robeson County, North Carolina, 1872-1956,” ‘’PhD Dissertation’’. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 2005.
  • McCulloch, Anne M. and David E. Wilkins. '"Constructing' Nations Within States: The Quest for Federal Recognition by the Catawba and Lumbee Tribes." American Indian Quarterly 19 (Summer 1995): 361-89.
  • McKinnon, Henry A. Jr. Historical Sketches of Robeson County. N.P.: Historic Robeson, Inc., 2001.
  • Merrell, James H. The Indians' New World: Catawbas and Their Neighbors from European Contact through the Era of Removal. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993.
  • Miller, Bruce G. Invisible Indigenes: The Politics of Nonrecognition. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2003.
  • Nagel, Joane. "American Indian Ethnic Renewal: Politics and the Resurgence of Identity." American Sociological Review 60 (December 1995): 947-65.
  • Norment, Mary C. The Lowrie History, As Acted in Part by Henry Berry Lowrie, the Great North Carolina Bandit. Weldon, NC: Harrell's Printing House, 1895.
  • "North Carolina: Indian raid." Newsweek 51 (27 Jan. 1958): 27.
  • Pascoe, Peggy. "Miscegenation Law, Court Cases, and Ideologies of 'Race' in Twentieth-Century America." Journal of American History 83 (June 1996): 44-69.
  • Perdue, Theda. "Mixed Blood" Indians: Racial Construction in the Early South. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2003.
  • Price, Edward T. "A Geographic Analysis of White-Negro-Indian Racial Mixtures in Eastern United States." The Association of American Geographers. Annals 43 (June 1953): 138-155.
  • “Raid by 500 Indians balks North Carolina Klan rally.” New York Times, January 19, 1958, p. 1.
  • ______. "Mixed-blood Populations of Eastern United States as to Origins, Localization and Persistence. (Ph.D. diss.) University of California, Berkeley, 1950.
  • Redding, Kent. Making Race, Making Power: North Carolina's Road to Disenfranchisement. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2003.
  • Ross, Thomas. American Indians in North Carolina. Southern Pines: Karo Hollow Press, 1999.
  • ______. “The Lumbees: Population Growth of a Non-reservation Indian Tribe,” in ‘’Cultural Geography of North American Indians,’’ eds. Thomas E. Ross and T.G. Moore. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1987: 297-309.
  • Saunt, Claudio. A New Order of Things : Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733-1816. New York, NY : Cambridge University Press, 1999.
  • ______. Black, White, and Indian : Race and the Unmaking of an American Family. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2005.
  • Seib, Rebecca S. Settlement Pattern Study of the Indians of Robeson County, NC, 1735-1787. Pembroke, NC: Lumbee Regional Development Association, 1983.
  • Sider, Gerald M. Lumbee Indian Histories: Race, Ethnicity, and Indian Identity in the Southern United States. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.
  • ______. "Lumbee Indian Cultural Nationalism and Ethnogenesis," Dialectical Anthropology 1 (January 1975): 161 - 172.
  • Smith, Martin T. Archeology of Aboriginal Culture Change in the Interior Southeast: Depopulation During the Early Historic Period. Gainesville, FLA: University of Florida Press, 1987.
  • Torbert, Benjamin. "Tracing Native American Language History through Consonant Cluster Reduction: The Case of Lumbee English" American Speech 76 (Winter 2001): 361-87.
  • Usner, Daniel H. Jr. American Indians in the Lower Mississippi Valley: Social and Economic Histories. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998.
  • ______. Indians, Settlers, and Slaves in a Frontier Exchange Economy : The Lower Mississippi Valley Before 1783. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992.
  • Wilkins, David E. "Breaking Into the Intergovernmental Matrix: The Lumbee Tribe's Efforts to Secure Federal Acknowledgement." Publius 23 (Fall 1993): 123-42.

See also

External links

 


From Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. Original article here. Support Wikipedia by contributing or donating.
All text is available under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License See Wikipedia Copyrights for details.

Search Titles
0123456789
ABCDEFGHIJ
KLMNOPQRST
UVWXYZ?

E-mail this article to:

Personal Message: