Volkstaat

Encyclopedia : V : VO : VOL : Volkstaat

The [Neutral point of view>neutrality] of this article or section may be compromised by "[Avoid weasel wordsweasel words]."
Please see the relevant discussion on the [talk page].

Volkstaat (Afrikaans for "People's state") is a proposal for the establishment of an independent state or homeland in South Africa by a minority of right wing Afrikaners through ethnic separatism Schönteich, M. and Boshoff, H. (2003),['VOLK' FAITH AND FATHERLAND], Monograph 81 of the [Institute for Security Studies (South Africa)] . The idea was entertained by the ANC around the 1994 elections, and incorporated, indirectly, in the original post-apartheid South African constitution. This was primarily a means of placating the extreme Afrikaner right#redirect [[Template:Fact]], which included sufficient members of the security and armed forces to violently rebel against the transition to equal rights#redirect [[Template:Fact]]. Once the country had stabilised, the idea of a separate Afrikaner state was rejected by the government#redirect [[Template:Fact]]. In 2006, the idea is still put forward, in various forms, by the Freedom Front (a political party holding less than 1% of the national vote)#redirect [[Template:Fact]], the residents of Orania (a small, all-Afrikaner town, population around 500), and some extremist right wing Afrikaner groups#redirect [[Template:Fact]]. Volkstaat was also the name of the paper of the Social Democratic Workers Party in Germany in the late 1800's#redirect [[Template:Fact]].

-->

Contents

Historical context

Boer Republics, pre 1911

Main article: Boer Republics

Historically, Afrikaners have had a drive for independence which resulted in the establishment of different republics in what is now the modern Republic of South Africa. These republics were proclaimed by the Voortrekkers, of which the most notable were Natalia Republic, the Orange Free State and the South African Republic. However, British rule after the Second Anglo-Boer War led to the dissolution of the last two remaining Afrikaner states (Orange Free State and South African Republic).

Proposals of cultural segregation from non-Afrikaners

The idea of partitioning South Africa into various states, or into a confederation of states, has not been the exclusive preserve of a few Afrikaners. The South African liberal icon of the 1930s and 1940s, Alfred Hoernlé, considered partition as a way of protecting blacks from white oppression and reducing the risk of racial conflict in the country. More recently, German author and observer at the 1987 meeting between the ANC and Afrikaner academics in Dakar (Senegal), Klaus von der Ropp, has proposed partitioning South Africa to ensure genuine black independence and to provide whites with the security an independent enclave would offer .

Apartheid

''Main article: History of South Africa in the apartheid era

Under apartheid, Afrikaner culture was protected by various laws, Afrikaans and English were the official languages of government, and the majority of the politicians running the country were Afrikaners#redirect [[Template:Fact]]. The underlying principle of apartheid was ethnic seperatism, although the means by which this was implemented, such as the homeland system of bantustans, were extremely biased against the non-white majority#redirect [[Template:Fact]]. Afrikaners held a priveleged position in South African society#redirect [[Template:Fact]]. The potential loss of this position, when apartheid began to crumble in the late 1980's, caused the Afrikaner right to seek means by which to protect it#redirect [[Template:Fact]].

Avstig and Orania

In the late 1980's, the Afrikaner-Vryheidstigting, or Avstig (Afrikaner Freedom Foundation) was formed by Professor Carel Boshoff. Avstig proposed a Volkstaat in the Northern Cape Province, in a largely rural, and minimally developed region. Avstig bought the town of Orania in 1991, and turned it into a model Volkstaat. Boshoff continued to be a representative of the Freedom Front, the political party advocating the Volkstaat concept .

The Volkstaat Council

The Volkstaat Council was an organisation of 20 people, created by the South African government, via the Volkstaat Council Act in 1994 South Africa. Parliament (1994), [Volkstaat Council Act] (pdf), Cape Town. This was in accordance with sections 184A and 184B of the 1993 South African Constitution, which state: "The Council shall serve as a constitutional mechanism to enable proponents of the idea of a Volkstaat to constitutionally pursue the establishment of such a Volkstaat,..." South Africa, Parliament (1993),[Consitution of the Republic of South Africa], Chapter 11, Cape Town.

The council's funding was terminated in 1999, without the council being formally disbanded. The council produced a final report, making three key recommendations: Wingard, J, Volkstaat Council Chair (Speaker), (2005), [Interview with David Storobin, Esq.]

That areas with an Arikaner majority should enjoy "territorial self-determination". Areas identified included the region around Pretoria, and a region of the Northern Cape Province.
That the government establish an "Afrikaner Council", as an advisory board to the government. "Representation in parliament, where numerical power is all that mattered, was not seen as a democratic system for minorities."
That the government create legislation enacting the other two points. Draft legislation for the Afrikaner Council was provided.

The provisions in the constitution allowing for formation of the council were removed in 2001, by the Repeal of Volkstaat Council Provisions Act, in accordance with the original act. South Africa. Parliament (2001), [Repeal of Volkstaat Council Provisions Act] (pdf), Cape Town .

Government response

Johann Wingard, chair of the council, expressed the view in 2005 that he doubted if any government official ever opened any of the reports to read them. The opposite is suggested, however, by the fact that then deputy president, Thabo Mbeki, and then Minister of Home Affairs, Dr Mangosuthu Buthelezi, quoted figures from Volkstaat Council reports in a report to parliament in 1999. Mbeki, T. and Buthelezi, M. (1999), [Report of the Government of the Republic of South Africa on the Question of the Afrikaners], Speech delivered at the National Assembly, South Africa, retrieved 25 June 2006 Nelson Mandela, the president at the time, specially requested that the delivery of the report be delayed until he could attend its presentation personally.

Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities

Subsequent to the disbanding of the Volkstaat Council, the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities was established in 2003 Government, South Africa (2003) [Cultural, religious & linguistic rights], www.southafrica.info. This committee is charged with the protection of the rights to cultural identity of all self-identifying groups in South Africa, including Afrikaners. The committee includes an Afrikaner, JCH Landman, who is also a member of the Afrikaner Alliance. The reports from the Volkstaat Council were to be handed over to this committee .

Support for the idea

Two surveys were conducted among white South Africans, in 1993 and 1996, asking the question "How do you feel about demarcating an area for Afrikaners and other white South Africans in which they may enjoy self determination? Do you support the idea of a Volkstaat?" The 1993 survey found that 29% supported the idea, and a further 18% would consider moving to a Volkstaat. The 1996 sruvey found that this had decreased to 22% supporting the idea, and only 9% wanting to move to a Volkstaat. In the second survey, the proportion of white South Africans opposed to the idea had increased from 34% to 66%.

The 1996 survey found that: "Those who in 1996 said that they would consider moving to a Volkstaat are mainly Afrikaans speaking males, who are supporters of the Conservative Party or Afrikaner Freedom Front, hold racist views (24%; slightly racist: 6%, non racist: 0%) and are not content with the new democratic South Africa." Theissen, G. (1997) [Between Acknowledgement and Ignorance: How white South Africans have dealt with the apartheid past], Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, University of the Witwatersrand

A 1999 pre-election survey suggested that the 26.9% of Afrikaners wanting to emigrate, but unable to, represented a desire for a solution such as a Volkstaat. Johnson, R. W. (1999), [How to use that huge majority], Focus, retrieved 25 June 2006

Dissatisfaction with life

Dissatisfaction with life in post-apartheid South Africa is often cited as an indication of support for the idea of a Volkstaat among some Afrikaners . A poll carried out by the Volkstaat Council, among white people in Pretoria, identified the following perceived problems, in descending order of importance:

crime
economic problems
personal security
affirmative action
educational standards
population growth
health services
language and cultural rights
housing
other.

Thabo Mbeki quoted an Afrikaner leader with whom he had been engaged in negotiations: "One of our interlocutors expressed this in the following way that ' the Afrikaner is suffering from the hangover of loss of power' resulting in despondency."

Reduction of political power

The Afrikaners, who form a small minority group in South Africa (8% of total population. as per a 2001 estimate)#redirect [[Template:Fact]], relinquished their absolute political domination#redirect [[Template:Fact]] over South Africa during the 1994 democratic elections and now only play a small (proportionally representative) role in South African politics. Some Afrikaners, such as the members of the Volkstaat Council , felt that equal representation was not enough, and desired the greater than equal say that they had before 1994. Self-determination in the form of a Volkstaat was proposed as one means of achieving this. (See the Volkstaat Council's proposals above.)

Culture and heritage

In 2002 a number of towns and cities with historic Afrikaans names dating back to Voortrekker times—such as Pietersburg and Potgietersrus—had their names changed, often in the face of popular opposition to the change. In the same year the government decided that state departments had to choose a single language for inter- and intra-departmental communication, effectively compelling public servants to communicate using English with one another#redirect [[Template:Fact]].

Of the 31 universities in South Africa, five were historically Afrikaans (Free State, Potchefstroom, Pretoria, Rand Afrikaans University and Stellenbosch). In mid 2002 the national Minister of Education, Kader Asmal, announced that Afrikaans medium universities must implement parallel teaching in English, despite a proposal by a government appointed commission that two Afrikaans universities should be retained to further Afrikaans as an academic language. According to the government’s language policy for higher education “the notion of Afrikaans universities runs counter to the end goal of a transformed higher education system" .

Crime in general

South Africa has one of the highest crime rates in the world. However, South Africans in general perceive crime to be worse than it is. For example, a victim survey conducted in 2003 found that 53% of South Africans believed that crime had worsened in their area in the previous three years, while in reality the national crime rate has experienced a minor (around 2%) decrease Institute for Security Studies, South Africa [ (2003),[National Victim Study 2003].

Farm attacks

Among rural Afrikaners the violent attacks on farmers and their families (South African Farmer Murders) have contributed significantly to a hardening of attitudes. Between 1998 and 2001 there were some 3,500 recorded farm attacks in South Africa. The attacks have resulted in the murder of 541 farmers, their families or their workers. On average more than two farm attack related murders are committed every week.

Conservative Afrikaners largely interpret farm attacks as a racially inspired campaign to force them off their farms. In mid-2001 the Freedom Front appealed to the United Nations Human Rights Commission to place pressure on the South African government to do something about the murder of Afrikaner farmers, which "had taken on the shape of an ethnic massacre". Freedom Front leader, Pieter Mulder, claimed that most farm attacks seemed orchestrated, and that the motive for the attacks was not only criminal. Mulder further claimed that "a definite anti-Afrikaner climate had taken root in South Africa. People accused of murdering Afrikaners were often applauded by supporters during court appearances".

The South African Government Committee of Inquiry into Farm Attacks published a report in 2003, however, indicating that white people were not targeted exclusively, that theft occurred in most attacks, and that the proportion of white victims had decreased in the four years preceding the report. Institute for Security Studies, South Africa (2003), [South African Government Committee of Inquiry into Farm Attacks]

Rise in unemployment

Despite a deterioration of the situation since the end of apartheid, Afrikaners have one of the highest rates of employment, and of job satisfaction, in the country. White (of whom just over half are Afrikaners) unemployment is low by South African standards: 10% in 2001, compared to a national average of 37%. White unemployment has, however, experienced the greatest proportional increase between 1995 and 2001: 197% compared to a national average of 27%. In 2001 some 228,000 economically active whites were unemployed . Afrikaner job satisfaction is second only to that of English-speaking white people, with a survey in 2001 showing that 78% of Afrikaner respondents were either "very satisfied", or "fairly satisfied", with their employment situation Institute of Race Relations, South Africa (2001), [Race relations and racism in everyday life], Race relations, No 9/September 2001 . However, as this is worse than the situation under apartheid, when Afrikaners were afforded special treatment, it is likely that those few Afrikaners who are unemployed will tend to support initiatives such as the Volkstaat. In Wingard's words, "They will be easy meat for activists."

Emigration

According to the 1999 pre-election survey, 2.5% of Afrikaner respondents were emigrating, 26.4% would leave if they could (the highest proportion of the groups surveyed), and 5.3% were considering emigrating. The majority, 64.9%, however, are definitely staying. The survey suggested that the 26.9% of Afrikaners wanting to emigrate, but unable to, represented a desire for a solution such as a Volkstaat.

Current situation

The idea of a Volkstaat has been rejected by the South African government#redirect [[Template:Fact]]. In 2005, Wingard statedd that only a "civil war" would enable Afrikaners to gain independence in any part of South Africa. The Freedom Front continues to support the idea, but commands very little electoral support. Two mini Volkstaats exist, where towns have been entirely bought as private property, and practice ethnic seperatism. The government has committed itself to taking other measures to protect Afrikaner cultural, religious and linguistic identity .

Volkstaat by force

Die Boeremag (Boer force/power) was a white separatist terrorist organisation. Most of its members were arrested in 2003.

Freedom Front

The Freedom Front has been the major political driving force for the formation of a Volkstaat. This Afrikaner-focused political party has representation in the national Parliament as well as several Provincial legislatures in South Africa. Support for this party has however dwindled to less than 18% of the Afrikaner vote#redirect [[Template:Fact]], being less than 1% of the total votes cast, by the last National elections in 2004, with the Democratic Alliance obtaining most of the Afrikaner vote.

Volkstaats by private property

One Volkstaat attempt is the small town of Orania in the Northern Cape province. The land on which Orania is built is privately owned, and Afrikaners have been encouraged by promoters of the volkstaat concept to move to Orania, although only a small number has responded. Another attempt is the settlement of Kleinfontein outside Pretoria (in the Tshwane metropolitan area).#redirect [[Template:Fact]]

South African Legislation

Section 235 of the South African Constitution allows for the right to self determination of any community, who shares a common culture and language, within a territorial entity within the Republic, or in any other way, as described by national legislation.

This section of the constitution was one of the negotiated settlements during the handing over of political power in 1994 by Afrikaners. The Freedom Front was instrumental in including this section in the constitution. No national legislation in this regard has yet been enacted, however.#redirect [[Template:Fact]]

Arguments against a Volkstaat

A number of obstacles stand in the way of the creation of a Volkstaat:

Afrikaner disarray

The issue of where the best location for a Volkstaat would be is still contentious.

Some Afrikaners (the Freedom Front in particular) argue that the most feasible location would be the arid and undeveloped Northern Cape where Orania is situated, as there is no other competition for land in this area, due to the sparse population of this vast province. This area also offers access to the ocean and enough space to become entirely self reliant in time.#redirect [[Template:Fact]]

Other Afrikaners, however, wish to establish the Volkstaat around Pretoria, as this area is already highly economically active and a great deal of Afrikaner cultural heritage is situated in this city. The Gauteng province and immediate surroundings of Pretoria is however the home and livelihood of over 7 million non-Afrikaners and an Afrikaner enclave in this limited space would probably not be self reliant.#redirect [[Template:Fact]]

Public opinion

Although the stated goal of an independent Volkstaat is to avoid racism under its different forms, some groups in South Africa, including segments of the black public, have suggested that the Volkstaat idea is born out of racism, and that it is the Afrikaner right wing's last attempt to restore their ideology of supremacy over black Africans. As an example, in Orania, no black person is allowed to work in any position of employment in the community#redirect [[Template:Fact]].

South African Government

The current South African government (African National Congress) is distrustful of Afrikaner motives for a Volkstaat#redirect [[Template:Fact]], due to the South African history of the previous century, when the racially driven apartheid policy caused much suffering and misery to black Africans. The government also wishes to protect the territorial integrity of the country#redirect [[Template:Fact]].

The government contemplated ending Orania’s potential for Afrikaner self-determination by incorporating it into the neighbouring black African controlled municipality of Hopetown. However, the Oranians defended their claim to self-determination by obtaining a High Court order to protect their current status for the time being, based on Section 235 of the South African constitution#redirect [[Template:Fact]].

Other political parties

The Democratic Alliance, South Africa's current main opposition party, and most other mainstream parties in South Africa, oppose the idea of an Afrikaner Volkstaat#redirect [[Template:Fact]].

Shortage of resources

Settling an undeveloped land, providing basic services and founding businesses that can provide employment requires great capital investment. The Afrikaners in favour of a Volkstaat have only limited resources available. Obtaining the resources and entrepreneurs to develop the Volkstaat thus remain significant obstacles to the establishment of a Volkstaat#redirect [[Template:Fact]].

References

External links

From Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. Original article here. Support Wikipedia by contributing or donating.
All text is available under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License See Wikipedia Copyrights for details.